Haiti

Haitian Vodou mostly involves communication with spiritual deities (Lwa or Loa) whereas New Orleans Voodoo usually relies heavily on charms and other talismans, resembling another African-Caribbean influenced religion: Hoodoo. Two pop stars, Ricky Martin and Britney Spears, make cameo appearances. They are similar in some respects, but very different in most. The distributors expressed unhappiness and suggested potential legal action, but according to the Sunday Herald, Moore's own response was, "I don't have a problem with people downloading the movie and sharing it with people as long as they're not trying to make a profit off my labour".[15] Moore had expressed similar sentiments before the film's theatric release. A distinction should be made between Haitian Vodou and American (New Orleans) Voodoo. The anti-Moore site moorewatch.com posted a link to a BitTorrent file containing a version of the movie taped at a cinema. Main articles: Culture of Haiti. In the UK, the film was shown on Channel 4 on January 27, 2005.

Protestant churches of numerical strength are Assemblées de Dieu, the Convention Baptiste d'Haïti, the Seventh-Day Adventists, the Church of God (Cleveland), the Church of the Nazarene, the Église Episcopale d'Haiti and the Mission Evangelique Baptiste du Sud-Haiti. This is especially curious as it has neither been released on DVD officially in Germany yet, nor was it shown on premium channels. Many Haitians also practice Vodou, seeing no conflict with their Christian faith. The movie was also shown on basic cable television in Germany and Austria on November 1, 2004 and November 2, 2004. Some have converted to Protestantism. Moore later on arranged for simultaneous broadcasts on November 1st at 8:00 PM (EST) on DISH Network, TVN and the Cinema Now website. Roman Catholicism is the state religion, which the majority professes. The two-hour film was planned to be shown as part of the three-hour "The Michael Moore Pre-Election Special" on iN DEMAND, but iN DEMAND backed out in mid-October for "legitimate business and legal concerns." In a statement Michael Moore said he believes iN DEMAND decided not to air the film because of pressure from "top Republican people".

English is increasingly spoken among the young and in the business sector. All of these depictions of servicemen have been described by some as contradicting Moore's "final thoughts" segment, where he praises the troops as noble for volunteering and serving America so loyally, wondering out loud if they "will ever trust us again?" However, most footage of American troops was taken from other documentries, including the "heavy metal music" scene from Soundtrack to War. Nearly all Haitians speak Kreyòl (Creole), the country's other official language. By extension, Moore illustrates those who do actually join up as either extremely gullible or as only interested in money and not desirious of serving their country. French is one of two official languages, but it is spoken by only about 10% of the people. Finally, in the film's segment on the tactics of military recruiters, Moore depicts military personnel as underhanded and deceptive in their efforts to get people to enlist. The biggest city is the capital Port-au-Prince with 2 million inhabitants, followed by Cap-Haïtien with 600,000. Additionally, in footage depicting the 2003 invasion of Iraq, Moore uses footage of Americans blasting heavy metal music from the PA system of their armored vehicles, implying they are immature and bloodthirsty.

About two thirds of the population live in rural areas. One notable scene, for instance, showed American soldiers raiding an Iraqi home for suspected insurgents, and dealing with the suspect and his family in a particularly harsh fashion. A few are of European or Levantine heritage. One other major criticism of Moore's film include his depiction of American soldiers during the war, and the seeming incompatibility of these depictions with the overtures of support for them he makes in his conclusion. The rest of the population is mostly mulatto, or mixed Caucasian-African ancestry. He claims that Moore altered the footage in a deceptive and underhanded fashion. About 95% of Haitians are of African descent. Both of his arms were blown off in the line of duty, and he insists that his description of phantom limb pain used in Moore's film were not meant to imply that he blamed the administration for his wounds or that he disagreed with the mission in Iraq.

Although Haiti averages about 270 people per square kilometer (699/mi²), its population is concentrated most heavily in urban areas, coastal plains, and valleys. An American serviceman wounded in Iraq and featured in Fahrenheit 911 has also spoken out against Moore and his message. Main article: Demographics of Haiti. Glenn Chastain, went further, stating that coastal patrols were not the responsibility of the Oregon State Police, but rather the United States Coast Guard. Failure to reach agreements with international sponsors have denied Haiti badly needed budget and development assistance. The trooper's commander, Lt. The country has experienced little job creation since President René Préval took office in February 1996, although the informal economy is growing. Furthermore, Kenyon insists his statements to NBC news, although they were eventually used by Moore, did not mean he supported any of Moore's other views on the Bush Administration.

Nearly 70% of all Haitians depend on the agriculture sector, which consists mainly of small-scale subsistence farming and employs about two-thirds of the economically active work force. The trooper has been quoted, however, as saying that his statements were not meant to imply that the Bush Administration was at fault for Oregon state budget cuts, nor that terrorism was a particular threat to Oregon's coastline. About 80% of the population lives in abject poverty, making it the second poorest country in the world. This segment was picked up and used by Moore to try and prove his assertion that budget cuts enacted by the Bush Administration, thereby exposing Oregon and its vast coast to terrorist infiltration. Haiti now ranks 153rd of 177 countries in the UN’s Human Development Index. The Oregon State Police segment featured a Trooper Andy Kenyon, who was interviewed by NBC news on the detrimental effects of state budget cuts on the operational capabilities of his department. Comparative social and economic indicators show Haiti falling behind other low-income developing countries (particularly in the hemisphere) since the 1980s. The most glaring examples of this manipulation includes footage of interviews with an Oregon State Trooper and an interview with a wounded and an American serviceman wounded and subsequently disabled in Iraq.

Haiti remains the least-developed country in the Western Hemisphere and one of the poorest in the world. Another point of criticism often leveled against Moore is his use of stock footage taken from American newscasters. Main article: Economy of Haiti. This contention, it should be noted, has been debunked by a coalition of top American newspapers, including the Washington Post and New York Times, which concluded after a lengthy recount of their own that George Bush would have won, even if the comprehensive recount requested by Gore hadn't been rejected by the US Supreme Court. [14]. Bush had "stolen" the election. Tropical storm Jeanne skimmed the north coast of Haiti leaving 3006 people dead in flooding and mudslides, mostly in the city of Gonaïves. The letter's new "headline" insisted that Al Gore had won the recount, supporting Moore's premise that George W.

This deforestation led to soil erosion and flooding as seen on September 17, 2004. The text of the letter was digitally inflated and rearranged, creating the illusion that it was a factual article written by an actual reporter. Charcoal production by low-income labor accounts for the bulk of Haitian logging. Perhaps the most blantant and oft-cited example of Moore manipulating his audience is the use of a letter to the editor from a Florida newspaper during Moore's segment covering the 2000 Presidential election recount in Florida. Pictures from space glaringly show this stark contrast compared to Haiti's neighbour the Dominican Republic. Others even contend that Moore's premises and evidence contradict his conclusions. Now the mountains are bare down to the bedrock. Accusations leveled against Moore using deception, propaganda, and even employing outright falsehoods and fabrications to make his point.

Over the years, the population cut down 95% of its trees and in the process destroyed fertile farmland soils. Moore has been criticized by conservatives and even liberals (such as Christopher Hitchens) for both the content and conclusions of his film. In 1925, Haiti was a lush island paradise, with 60% of its original forest covering the lands and mountainous regions. Due to the highly political nature of the film, criticism was inevitable. The east and central part is a large elevated plateau. [14]. Haiti's terrain consists mainly of rugged mountains with small coastal plains and river valleys. Bush won Worst Actor, Bush with either Condoleezza Rice or his pet goat won Worst Screen Couple, Donald Rumsfeld won Worst Supporting Actor, and Rice and Britney Spears were both nominated for Worst Supporting Actress, with Spears winning the award.

Main article: Geography of Haiti. George W. Haiti is divided into ten departments (provinces):. The film also won four Razzies, not for its lack of quality but rather as a 'joke' about the "actors". Main article: Departments of Haiti. However, the film won other awards such as the People's Choice Award for Favourite Motion Picture, an unprecedented honor for a documentary. See List of Presidents of Haiti, 2006 Haitian Elections, 2000 Haitian Elections, 1995 Haitian Elections, 1990 Haitian Elections, and the Constitution of Haiti. The film received no Oscar nominations when they were announced on January 25, 2005.

Since, and as a result of, the aforementioned coup, the future of the 1987 Constitution has fallen into doubt, even though the planned elections for the Presidency, Parliament, and local governments are being held in accordance with its terms. 2." Moore had previously won a Best Documentary Oscar for Bowling for Columbine and noted that in the current situation, the above priorities take precedence to winning a second Oscar and that he would prefer his fellow documentarians to have a chance to win the Oscar themselves. Having been either completely or partially suspended for some years, it was fully reinstated in 1994. Moore planned instead to submit and promote his film for the Best Picture Oscar, commenting: "For me the real Oscar would be Bush's defeat on Nov. The constitution was introduced in 1987 under the administration of Leslie Manigat and is modeled on those of the United States and France. On September 6, 2004, Moore announced that, because he was seeking a television airing of Fahrenheit 9/11 prior to the November presidential election, the film would not be submitted for consideration for a Best Documentary Oscar (from which a broadcast within nine months of release would disqualify the film under Oscar rules). On 29 February 2004, a rebellion culminated in the defacto resignation of president Jean-Bertrand Aristide and it is unknown if the current political structure will remain. It contains Moore's sources for his allegations, audience e-mails about the film, film reviews, articles and political cartoons pertaining to the film.

However, some claim it to be an authoritarian government in practice. A companion book, The Official Fahrenheit 9/11 Reader, was released at the same time. Haiti is a presidential republic with an elected president and National Assembly. [13]. Main article: Politics of Haiti. About 2 million copies were sold on the first day. Leslie Manigat, a former president, forced from power by the military in 1988. In the first days of the release, the documentary broke records for the best-sold documentary ever.

Evans Paul, former mayor of Port-au-Prince, one-time Aristide ally and longtime fixture in Haitian politics. presidential election, in order to maximize its political impact. Guy Philippe, a former police chief and one of the leaders of the rebellion that pushed Aristide out in early 2004. Moore stated that he wanted to release the movie for home viewing prior to the 2004 U.S. He is now a Lavalas Family "Senator". Fahrenheit 9/11 was released to DVD and VHS on October 5, 2004, an unusually short turnaround time after theatrical release. Yet another candidate is Dany Toussaint, a former Haitian Army major, police chief and bodyguard of Jean-Bertrand Aristide. He also gave permission for the film to be downloaded onto personal computers.

[13]. That issue is moot, anyway, since Moore decided consciously to forego Oscar eligibility in favor of a DVD release of the film — reportedly because he felt that it was more important to spread his message as widely as possible amongst American voters than to win another award. Baker supported the second armed ouster of Aristide, in 2004, is backed by powerful industrialists. However, soon after that story had been published, the Academy of Motion Picture Arts and Sciences issued a statement denying this, saying, "If it was pirated or stolen or unauthorized we would not blame the producer or distributor for that." [12] In addition, Wild Bunch, the film's overseas distributor for Cuba, issued a statement denying a television deal had been struck with Cuban Television. Baker insists he has widespread support among poor Haitians, despite his image as a scion of the elite. It had been widely reported that this might affect its Oscar eligibility. Baker is running with the independent Konba party. In Cuba, bootlegged versions of the film were shown in 120 theaters, followed by a prime-time television broadcast by the leading state-run network.

Another candidate is Charles Henri Baker, a 50-year-old prominent businessman with US residency who led a civic group that organized to unseat Aristide last year. I think it's quite natural." By refusing to condemn his film's use by Hezbollah, an organization that has been implicated in the killing and kidnapping of American civilians abroad and has been labeled a terrorist organization by the United States and European Union, Moore has been accused of de facto treason by some. [12]. Having the support of such an entity in Lebanon is quite significant for that market and not at all controversial. Siméus's car, forcing him to flee. Gianluca Chacra, managing director of Front Row Entertainment, the Middle East distributor for Fahrenheit 9/11, has stated, “We can't go against these organizations, as they could strongly boycott the film in Lebanon and Syria. Dozens of angry men and women rushed onto the streets, hurling rocks and chunks of concrete at Mr. In Lebanon, some student members of the group Hezbollah have asked if there was any way they could support the film.

During his 21 years away from Haiti, Simeus, has become a multi-millionaire in Texas and is now intending to return to Haiti.[11] With great fanfare, he began a campaign rally in Solino, a crumbling and crime-plagued neighborhood of the Haitian capital. The film has been banned in Kuwait. [10] Simeus never renounced his Haitian citizenship and he is a dual citizen. In certain countries, the film was received as a confirmation of what informed people already knew, but critics still found the film effective because it had managed to cause controversy in the US. Another presidential hopeful, Dumarsais Mécène Siméus, a Haitian-born businessman has been nominated by a broad-based reform coalition of two Haitian opposition parties is leading what looks like a Populist campaign. The film was a major success in most European countries. Marc Louis Bazin is running under the political party 'Union pour Haïti', an alliance between the 'Mouvement pour l’Instauration de la Démocratie en Haïti' (MIDH) et 'Fanmi Lavalas' (FL) de Jean-Bertrand Aristide.[9]. Bush is prohibited by law from running [for presidency] again.".

Bush Administration and the bourgeois population of Haiti. The official mourning period is over today and there is a silver lining — George W. Bazin is a former World Bank official and favorite candidate of the George H.W. We're communicators and it's up to us to start doing it now. Marc L. They weren't told the truth. He is the first to have been elected and succeeded by an elected President. Fifty-one percent of the American people lacked information [in this election] and we want to educate and enlighten them.

He is the only the second President of Haiti to serve a full term and leave office peacefully. We want to document it. He was elected President of Haiti in 1995 and served his full term, turning over the Presidency to Jean Bertrand Aristide on 7 February 2001. On November 12, 2004, Moore announced his intention to produce a sequel to the film, to be entitled Fahrenheit 9/11 1/2. In an interview with Daily Variety, he stated, "We want to get cameras rolling now and have it ready in two, three years. Preval was the Prime Minister from February 13 to October 11, 1991, but was replaced following the military coup of that year. Furthermore, it was hoped that it would give heart to people who disagreed with Bush's policies, but felt their views were being marginalized. An early favorite is Rene Preval. Nonetheless, Bush's critics hoped that the success of the film was an indication of wide public support for more open debate on the Bush administration's policies.

There are 33 people on the list candidates for Haiti's next president.[7] [8]. Despite Moore's energetic campaign in favor of Democratic challenger John Kerry, Bush was re-elected to a second term on November 2, 2004, albeit with a narrower margin of votes than any sitting US president in American history. The election is deeply split between two camps - the elite and the nation's poor that remain fiercely loyal to Aristide. Bush's chances of re-election. Local elections were originally scheduled for 9 October 2005, but have been pushed back until 30 April 2006. Partly because of the success of the film, it was widely debated what effect it would have on George W. In the midst of the ongoing controversy and violence, however, the interim government has planned legislative and executive elections for 7 February 2006 (originally set for 13 November 2005), with a runoff set for 19 March. There were also efforts by liberal groups such as MoveOn.org to encourage attendance in order to defy their political opponents' contrary efforts.

On April 17, 2005, Neptune went on a hunger strike vowing not to eat until the Interim Government of Haiti (IGH) drops the charges against him; charges that it has refused to pursue.[4][5] Father Gérard Jean-Juste, a Catholic Priest and Lavalas supporter, is another high profile political prisoner in Haiti [6]. Moore credited part of this success to the efforts of conservative groups to pressure theaters not to run the film, conjecturing that these efforts backfired by creating publicity. On June 27, 2004, Yvon Neptune, Haiti’s last constitutionally appointed prime minister under President Jean-Bertrand was imprisoned by the transitional government.[3] Neptune was never allowed to see a judge in his case. During the weekend of July 24, 2004, the film passed the $100 million mark in box-office receipts, again an unprecedented amount for a feature-length political documentary. The only storm to have impacted Haiti, Hurricane Dennis, resulted in a significantly lesser loss of life (less than 200 fatalities) [2]. The film was released in France on July 7, 2004 and in the UK on July 9, 2004. So far, the 2005 season has been more gentle. theatrical run of any other feature-length documentary (including Moore's previous film, Bowling for Columbine).

Furthermore, Haiti suffered badly during 2004 with floods hitting the Fonds Verettes and Mapou region in May 2004 and Hurricane Jeanne hitting the Gonaives area that September Tropical storm Jeanne [1]. Its opening weekend earned more than the entire U.S. General Urano Teixeira da Matta Bacellar was found, shot dead, in his Port-au-Prince hotel room on January 7, 2006. and Canada, making it the weekend's top-grossing film, despite having been screened in only 868 theaters (many of the weekend's other top movies played on over 2,500 screens). See the 2005 July 6 United Nations assault on Cité Soleil, Haiti. On its opening weekend of June 25–June 27, this film generated box-office revenue of $23.9 million in the U.S. The UN mission, in the meantime, has itself ran aground in its relations with both the interim government (and its proponents), the Lavalas party (and its grassroots support), and human rights activists, often being accused (by the first group) of not doing enough to curtail the seemingly omnipresent and eternal violence, rape, and extortion which has tainted Haiti's international image, (by the second group) of colluding with armed (and notorious) militants and policemen in the suppression of neighborhood violence in Port-au-Prince, and (by the third group) actively participating in violence against the Lavalas party and grassroots support, all of which have been constantly denied by UN officials, including Secretary-General Kofi Annan and Force Commander Lieutenant-General Augusto Heleno Ribeiro Pereira of Brazil (who was replaced by fellow Brazilian and General Urano Teixeira da Matta Bacellar on 1 September). He also said that, despite the fact that Moore's talent was "not in doubt," he had won the award "for political rather than cinematographic reasons, no matter what the jury said." [11].

Other groups, who viewed the Aristide presidency as a democratic "coup d'etat" leading to the establishment of a dictatorship in all but name, have set up their own website, the Haiti Democracy Project being the best known. In comments to the prize-winning jury in 2005, however, Cannes director Gilles Jacob said they should make their decision based on film-making rather than politics — a clear reference to Fahrenheit 9/11. Protest groups, websites, and news feeds have since been formed in response to the 2004 coup and following events, such as the Haiti Action Committee and the Canada Out of Haiti Campaign (a project of the Canada-Haiti Action Network). We awarded the art of cinema, that is what won you this award and we wanted you to know that as a fellow filmmaker.'". has, like the present interim government, its proponents, the Haitian National Police, and MINUSTAH (which consists mostly of Brazilian, Chilean, and other multinational peacekeeping contingents, led by Brazil), become the source of controversy both within and outside Haiti, especially in Brazil (which provides a bulk majority of the peacekeeping force), the United States (which is heavily suspected of foul play regarding the February 2004 coup), Canada (whose Martin government had also supported the overthrow of Aristide, and whose own RCMP is training a significant contingent of the rather-notorious HNP), and, to a somewhat lesser degree, France (from whom Aristide had requested a restitution of exactly US$21,685,135,571.48, the modern-day equivalent of the 90 million gold francs {originally set at 150 million, but later reduced} which were demanded as ransom by the French government from then-President Jean-Pierre Boyer). Some of us have no politics. The Council of Sages, which consists of the following:. We are not here to give a political award.

He was replaced as justice minister by Henri Dorlean. He also responded to claims that the award was political: "Quentin [Tarantino] whispered in my ear, 'we want you to know that it was not the politics of your film that won you this award. Gousse had, since his appointment, become notorious for the alleged wrongful imprisonment of Lavalas party members and supporters, and, seemingly under pressure from Washington, resigned from office on June 15, 2005. [...] This is not a French award, it was given by an international jury dominated by Americans.". Non-Cabinet Officials:. Four out of nine were American. In the wake of Aristide's departure, while Supreme Court Chief Justice Boniface Alexandre succeeded to the Presidency (in accordance with the stipulations of the 1987 constitution), the Conseil des Sages, a seven-member executive advisory board which was appointed by the OAS-sanctioned Tripartite Council (consisting of Leslie Voltaire, Paul Denis, and Adamo Guino), immediately selected the Prime Minister, former Manigat Foreign Minister Gerard Latortue, who, in turn, selected his cabinet, which consists mostly of opposition leaders or spokespersons:. Some conservatives in the United States, such as Jon Alvarez of Patriotic Americans Boycotting Anti-American Hollywood (PABAAH), commented [10] that such an award could be expected from "the French" (see Anti-Americanism, Anti-French sentiment in the United States); Moore responded: "There was only one French citizen on the jury.

[6], [7] When asked whether Aristide was guarded in the Central African Republic by French officers, the French Defense Minister answered that Aristide was protected, not imprisoned, and that he would leave when he could; and that France had many officers present in the Central African Republic following the recent events in that country, but that they did not control Aristide's comings and goings [8]. Just like his much-publicized Oscar acceptance speech, Moore's speech in Cannes included some opinionated statements:. On March 1, 2004, US Congresswoman Maxine Waters (D-CA), along with Randall Robinson, a family friend of the Aristides, each reported that Aristide had told them using a smuggled cellular telephone that he had been forced to resign against his will by United States diplomats and Marines, and that he was abducted against his will, and continued to be held hostage by an undisclosed armed military guard. It was the first documentary to win that award since Jacques Cousteau and Louis Malle's The Silent World in 1956. Many media sources reported that Aristide had resigned and been refused asylum by South Africa. On May 22, 2004, the film was awarded the Palme d'Or. The circumstances surrounding this flight are a matter of controversy. After its first showing in Cannes in May of 2004, the film received a 20-minute standing ovation, which Cannes artistic director Thierry Frémaux declared "the longest standing ovation in the history of the festival." (According to French news the standing ovation was over 23 minutes long).

Aristide was forced to sign a resignation of the Presidency and was taken to the Central African Republic. In April 2004 the film was selected to compete for the Palme d'Or at the 57th Cannes Film Festival. On February 29, 2004 the United States flew Aristide out of the country. The film is also dedicated to "countless thousands" of civilian victims of war as a result of United States military activities in Iraq and Afghanistan. This rebellion then spread throughout the central Artibonite province by February 17 and was joined by opponents of the government who had been in exile in the Dominican Republic. The movie is dedicated to Moore's friend who was killed in the World Trade Center attacks on September 11, 2001, and to those servicemen and women from Flint, Michigan, who have been killed in Iraq. This finally led to an armed conflict, the 2004 Haiti Rebellion, which increased in intensity on February 5, 2004, 200 years after the Haitian Revolution, when an armed rebel group which formerly called itself the Cannibal Army and worked for President Aristide transformed itself into the Revolutionary Artibonite Resistance Front and took control of the Gonaïves police station. President, we agree with you.".

By 2003, the country was deeply divided between pro-and anti-Aristide camps. Fool me twice, shame on me." What he came up with combined part of that maxim with the title of The Who song "Won't Get Fooled Again." In the context of the film, Moore is tying the clip back to the beginning of the film to imply Moore's hope that the American public would not be "fooled again." After the clip, Moore is heard saying, "For once Mr. The International Republican Institute was involved in either a pro-democracy or a de-stabilization project, depending on viewpoint, funded by USAID from 2002-2004. You fool me you can't get fooled again." He was presumably trying to say, "Fool me once, shame on you. Aristide took office on February 7, 2001, but his presidency was mired in controversy, and his government was undermined by the political impasse and the use of armed gangs, called 'chimeres', to enforce his rule. Bush stumbling through the saying: "There's an old saying in Tennessee — I know it's in Texas, it's probably in Tennessee — that says, fool me once, shame on — shame on you. Aristide won this election by 90% of the popular vote, but due to the earlier dispute, the opposition parties never accepted his victory as legitimate. The film ends with a clip of George W.

Therefore, most opposition groups boycotted the Presidential election. In the beginning of the documentary, Moore focuses on the 2000 election with footage of a hypothetical Gore victory and in the process states his opinion that the public was fooled. In the months leading up to the Presidential election at the end of the year, numerous negotiations failed to produce a settlement. Will they ever trust us again?" However, earlier in the film, he asserts that the large proportion of working-class people in the military can be mainly attributed to a lack of other career options. In response, most of the opposition parties refused to acknowledge the results or take part in second-round run-offs. And all they ask for in return, is that we never send them into harm's way unless it's absolutely necessary. The Haitian government refused to re-calculate the percentages. It is remarkable — their gift to us.

The Organization of American States (OAS) and the international community condemned the results for the Senate elections as fraudulent. They offer to give up their lives so that we can be free. The Family Lavalas Party won over 50% of the vote in nearly all the contests but a dispute arose about the method used to tabulate the percentages for the Senate elections. They serve so that we don't have to. In May 2000, Haiti held legislative and local government elections. Near the end, tying together several themes and points, Moore compliments those serving in the US military, "I've always been amazed that the very people forced to live in the worst parts of town, go to the worst schools, and who have it the hardest, are always the first to step up, to defend that very system. The old Lavalas coalition fractured, and in November 1996 he launched a new political party, Fanmi Lavalas (Lavalas Family). He accosts Congressmen on the sidewalk to give them United States armed forces pamphlets and to urge them to have their children enlist.

Barred constitutionally from immediate reelection, he stepped down in 1996. He also comments that only a single Congressman has children serving in Iraq. The economy was in shambles, infrastructure almost nonexistent, and more than 4,000 people had been killed. Upon learning that most members of Congress had not read the USA Patriot Act before passing it, Moore drives around the Capitol in an ice cream truck, reading the statute over a loudspeaker. invasion allowed Aristide to return and resume his presidency on 15 October 1994. As in his other movies, Moore uses humor to enliven his argument. After three years of exile, a U.S. As she talks with a protester in a tent, they are confronted by a woman who claims that the protester's exhibits are "all staged." Lipscomb asks her if her son's death was staged also.

The coup's leaders: General Raoul Cedras, Colonel Michel Francois, and general Philippe Biamby, were all graduates of the US Army School of the Americas in Fort Benning, Georgia. Toward the end of the film, Lipscomb was shown walking up to the security barrier surrounding the White House, (she had invited Moore's crew to join her on a job conference to Washington, DC.) She expressed her difficulty in coming to terms with the place and in realizing how the decisions made there would ultimately bring about the death of her son. A coup on 30 September 1991, led by the military and financed by members of Haiti's elite, declared that such reforms would not be tolerated. Anguished and tearful, she expressed questions about the war's purpose and how that came to take the life of her son. In his seven months as president in 1991, Aristide proposed raising the minimum wage, initiated a literacy campaign, dismantled the repressive system of rural section chiefs, and oversaw a drastic reduction in human rights violations. Later in the film, Lipscomb reappears, this time in tears with her family, after hearing of the death of her son, Michael Pederson, who was killed on April 2, 2003, in Karbala. Aristide's campaign motto, "Lavalas" (Creole for "flood"), became the name for a diverse coalition of parties that symbolized hope for the Haitian people (80% of whom earned less than $150 a year). She praised the Army's active recruitment in the low-income town, saying enlistment was a good option for young people to get a start on life.

He was elected in Haiti's first free democratic election on 16 December 1990, with an overwhelming 67% of the vote. The Flint segment also focused on a strong war supporter named Lila Lipscomb, who had a daughter in the 1991 Persian Gulf War and now had a son serving in Iraq. In 1990, when a notorious Duvalierist announced his candidacy for president, progressive-centre forces united to urge Aristide to run for the office. The segment showed the techniques and minor flatteries by which they made personal contact with people, asking questions and making suggestions that interests such as music and basketball would be avenues available to pursue through the military. In 1986, the year Duvalier was driven from power, Aristide survived the first of many assassination attempts. In the economically hard-hit town, Moore explained that Flint's low-income neighborhoods were a prime target of military recruiters, and followed two Marine recruiters in uniform, during the course of actively recruiting young men for enlistment. In the late 1970s, a time of increasing militancy against the brutal regime of Jean-Claude Duvalier, Aristide urged change and often found himself at odds with his superiors in the Roman Catholic Church. Like all other Moore films, Fahrenheit 9/11 featured extensive focus on the impact of the Iraq War on Flint.

He served the remainder of the five year term to which he was elected and oversaw the installation of Rene Preval, his Prime Minister, to the presidency in 1996. Moore obtained footage of the preparation for the televised announcement of the Iraq war, where Bush "mugs" for the camera, seconds before uttering "My fellow Americans...". military intervention with a mandate from the United Nations. It also shows a business convention where numerous corporate representatives attend and hear a pitch about how much money companies can make through the conflict in Iraq. Most of his term was usurped by a military coup d'etat, but he was returned to office in 1994 by a U.S. The documentary touches on other themes as well, discussing reduction in the number of people enlisting in the military because of the war, and US military recruiters using some questionable pledges to get new sign-ups; particularly targeting poorer neighborhoods. It was supposed to design a new Constitution and arrange for democratic elections within two years, but didn't step down until 1990, when Jean-Bertrand Aristide was elected president. Moore's uncensored copy was from 2000, and the restrictions did not take effect until 2003.) Moore contends that Bush's dry-hole oil well attempts were partially funded by the Saudis and, in fact, by bin Laden family money.

installed a military regime, The National Council of Government (CNG), headed by General Henri Namphy. (This may have been due to HIPAA restrictions on the release of medical records, in this case the record showing Bath's suspension for not taking an exam. After Duvalier fled, the U.S. Bath, a Guard friend of Bush's who went on to work as a financial agent for the Saudis and helped channel Saudi money to one of Bush's businesses. He now lives in modest circumstances in Paris. The difference between the versions is that the White House blacked out the name of James R. A six-member council replaced Duvalier when he fled to southern France, where he lived in luxury in Cannes until his wife left him and took his children and most of their cash. Bush's Air National Guard service record — first the censored copy produced by the White House, then an uncensored copy that Moore had obtained a few years earlier.

In the face of increasing social unrest, however, Duvalier and his wife left the country early in 1986, leaving the entire country in poverty and lacking international commercial development. Moore shows a Vietnam war-era document of George W. In 1980 Duvalier married a divorcee Michèle Bennett, who later supplanted his hard-line mother in Haitian politics. The next scene is of Bush sitting in a Florida classroom, holding a book called Reading Mastery 2, for seven minutes after being told there was a second airplane crash into the World Trade Center. Haiti continued a semi-isolationist approach to foreign relations, although the government actively solicited foreign aid. Many of the scenes also depict Bush playing golf with family, fishing, and feeding his dog, and other scenes show him being heckled by reporters over his poor productivity during the time before September 11th. No political opposition was tolerated, and all important political officials and judges were still appointed by the president. [9].

But in fact no sharp changes from previous policies occurred. The figure comes from a Washington Post article that concludes Bush spent "a whopping 54 days at his Texas ranch, 38 days at the presidential retreat at Camp David and four more at his parents' place in Kennebunkport, Maine." Critics dispute this figure as misleading, remarking that it includes visits by foreign dignitaries as vacation time. Under the Baby Doc regime some political prisoners were released, press censorship eased, and a policy of "gradual democratization of institutions" was professed. Bush's ascension to power and alleges a 42-percent vacation rate before September 11, 2001. This move by the regency caused the collapse of the freeport venture. The film begins with George W. Claude Raymond, commander of the army, and his brother, Foreign Minister Adrien Raymond; and Minister of Coordination and Information Fritz Cinéas. In it, he stated that he was obtaining footage directly from Iraq:.

This news prompted "Baby Doc" to expropriate the venture for himself, under prompting from his advisors including his mother, Simone Ovide Duvalier; Defense and Gen. In April 2004, Moore posted a note on his web site regarding the progress of the film. In 1974 it became known that the freeport had entered into a multimillion dollar contract with the Gulf Oil corporation to advance development on the island. By contrast, Moore refrained from using the familiar footage of the September 11 attacks, but instead presented a blank screen with only the sounds of the incident, then cut to reactions of onlookers of the attacks. The advisers soon concluded that Haiti needed a new image to attract economic assistance, tourism, and investment. One brief clip shows a public beheading filmed in Jidda, Saudi Arabia. When François Duvalier suddenly died in 1971 his son Jean-Claude Duvalier ("Baby Doc") took over at the age of 19. The film also shows US soldiers with amputations and nerve damage.

Although construction of infastructure and a new international airport was commenced, two other events brought about the sudden demise of the whole venture. The film contains numerous graphic clips of military and civilian casualties in the Iraq war, including dead and mutilated bodies, as well as footage of American soldiers deployed to Iraq who use music as a "Soundtrack to War". These plans reached maturity in 1971 when a 99-year contract was entered into by François Duvalier on behalf of the Haitian government. One of his primary sources for these claims is the book House of Bush, House of Saud by Craig Unger. In 1967 proposals were made to construct a free port on the Haitian island of Tortuga by a consortium formed in the United States by Don Pierson of Eastland, Texas. In this vein, he also examines the government-sponsored evacuation of relatives of Osama bin Laden after the attacks. He was known for his army of sunglasses-clad volunteers, the Tonton Macoute. Although the business connections between the Bush family and various high-ranking Saudis are not disputed, they are not widely known, and Moore has previously alleged that the Bush administration turned a blind eye to Saudi links to terrorist groups, (most of the September 11 hijackers were Saudis).

Duvalier, also known as "Papa Doc," became president in 1957 and dictator in 1964. [7] (See Bush family conspiracy theory.). His position lasted only 18 days, however, because Duvalier was able to overthrow him and began what was to become a 29-year dynasty. The links form a relationship spanning three decades, supposedly worth $1.4 billion to the Bush family and their friends and associates. Both men wanted to take the top job of President, therefore the party was split and in 1957 Fignole became president of Haiti. In the film, Moore also describes the links between the Bush family and associated persons, such as prominent Saudi Arabian families, including the Saudi royal family and the family of Osama bin Laden. They continued to gain public support and waited for their moment to seize power. The film discusses the causes and aftermath of the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks, including the 2003 invasion of Iraq and the U.S.-led occupation of Iraq.

Together they formed the popular Mouvement Ouvriers Paysans (MOP) party. . This fueled his interest in politics, and despite the fact that the Haitian government was predominantly mulatto, Duvalier was able to gain a following and joined forces with powerful union leader Daniel Fignole. [5] The film has grossed a further $99 million overseas.[6]. After securing employment with an American medical project that was fighting widespread tuberculosis, Duvalier had the opportunity to see the poverty that existed in the countryside. box office, and over US$220 million worldwide, an unprecedented amount for a political documentary; Sony reported first-day DVD sales of two million copies, again a new record for the genre. A medical doctor, François Duvalier was not allowed to establish his own practice due to racist customs in Haiti. As of January, 2005, the film has grossed nearly US$120 million in U.S.

Efforts were made to improve Haiti's infrastructure and education systems in particular, but because of the imposed nature of these reforms, with little regard for Haitian customs or traditions, these generally were not well-received nor especially effective. The film debuted at the 2004 Cannes Film Festival in the documentary film category and was awarded the Palme d'Or (Golden Palm), the festival's highest award, by an international jury (four Americans, four Europeans, and one Asian). Marine Corps, effectively making Haiti a colony in all but name. [2][3][4]. From July 28, 1915 until mid-August 1934, Haiti was under the occupation of the U.S. Moore himself has called it an "op-ed piece" while vehemently defending its factual accuracy. Main article: United States occupation of Haiti (1915-1934). The film has been denounced by some as misleading propaganda, and praised by others as a valuable perspective on the Bush administration's response to 9/11 that the American media have not broadcast.

The largely black nation remained isolated politically throughout the 19th century, though penetrated economically by international capitalism. One of Moore's stated aims in making the documentary was to prevent Bush from being reelected in 2004. Freed blacks and mulattos joined with slaves under the leadership of Jean Jacques Dessalines against Napoleonic France in 1801 to achieve the Caribbean's first successful revolution for independence. political scene." [1] The documentary has another theme of criticizing the American corporate media for being "cheerleaders" for the war in Iraq, and not providing an accurate and objective analysis of what led to the Iraq invasion and the resulting civilian casualties there. Main article: History of Haiti. The Los Angeles Times described the film as "an alternate history of the last four years on the U.S. . Bush and the War on Terrorism.

Haiti is currently in a state of transition following a rebellion (see 2004 Haiti Rebellion) which deposed President Jean-Bertrand Aristide on February 29, 2004; he had been re-elected in 2000 in an election which several opposition parties boycotted due to disputes with the vote counting of the parlimentary elections. It presents a critical look at the administration of George W. In spite of its longevity, it is the poorest country in the Western Hemisphere. The film generated a great deal of controversy. A former French colony, it was the second country in the Americas, after the United States, to declare its independence. It was named after Ray Bradbury's dystopian Science Fiction novel Fahrenheit 451. The total land area of Haiti is 10,714 square miles (27,750 square km) and its capital is Port-au-Prince on the main island of Hispaniola. The film has since been released in 42 more countries and holds the record for highest box office receipts by a general release documentary.

The Republic of Haiti is a country situated on the western third of the island of Hispaniola and the smaller islands of La Gonâve, La Tortue (Tortuga), Les Cayemites, and Ile a Vache in the Caribbean Sea, east of Cuba; Haiti shares Hispaniola with the Dominican Republic. Fahrenheit 9/11 is a high-grossing, award-winning documentary film by American filmmaker and liberal activist Michael Moore, which had a general release in the United States and Canada on June 25, 2004 in the run up to the presidential election. Voodoo in Haiti. Transportation in Haiti. Military of Haiti.

List of Haitian companies. Kreyòl ayisyen/Haitian Creole. Foreign relations of Haiti. Haitians in Mainstream.

Haiti at the 2004 Summer Olympics. Haiti at the 1928 Summer Olympics. Haiti at the 1924 Summer Olympics. Communications in Haiti.

Sud-Est. Sud. Ouest. Nord-Ouest.

Nord-Est. Nord. Nippes. Grand'Anse.

Centre. Artibonite. Paul Emile Simon – Fanmi Lavalas (party of Aristide government),. Christian Rousseau (University of Haiti Administrator (previously involved in opposition student protests)).

Daniele Magloire ([CONAP] women's group coalition). MacDonald Jean (Anglican Church). Anne-Marie Issa (Owner of Signal FM Radio). Ariel Henry (Democratic Platform opposition group).

Lamartine Clermont (Catholic Church). Max Mathurin - Head of Provisional Electoral Council (CEP). Michel Brunache - Chief of Cabinet. Magali Comeau Denis - Culture.

Herard Abraham - Interior. Roland Pierre - Planning. Josette Bijoux - Health. Henri Bazin - Finance.

Daniele Saint-Lot – Commerce and Industry. Bernard Gousse – Justice and Public Security. Pierre Buteau – Education. Yves Andre Wainwright – Environment.

Yvon Simeon - Foreign Affairs. Philippe Mathieu – Agriculture. Adeline Magloire Chancy – Women’s Conditions.