Fahrenheit 9/11

Two pop stars, Ricky Martin and Britney Spears, make cameo appearances. This legislation has been considered as controversial by some Australians who contend it disenfranchises those who have forgotten to register or provide a change of address. The distributors expressed unhappiness and suggested potential legal action, but according to the Sunday Herald, Moore's own response was, "I don't have a problem with people downloading the movie and sharing it with people as long as they're not trying to make a profit off my labour".[15] Moore had expressed similar sentiments before the film's theatric release. Traditionally voters cannot register within three weeks of an election, but in 2004 the Howard Government passed legislation that prevents registration after an election has been announced. The anti-Moore site moorewatch.com posted a link to a BitTorrent file containing a version of the movie taped at a cinema. I forgot is not considered acceptable and will incur the $50 fine. In the UK, the film was shown on Channel 4 on January 27, 2005. Acceptable reasons for not voting may include: being in the Accident Department of a Hospital, being ill (requires confirmation), being out of the country since from before the election was anounced until after the election was held and having not been contacted by an Australian Embassy or Consulate, being incarcerated etc.

This is especially curious as it has neither been released on DVD officially in Germany yet, nor was it shown on premium channels. Usually people are issued with warnings when it is found that they have missed voting, and they are given an opportunity to show cause for not voting. The movie was also shown on basic cable television in Germany and Austria on November 1, 2004 and November 2, 2004. In Australia it is a legal offense to miss voting at any Federal, State or Local election, and can incur a fine of $50 or more. Moore later on arranged for simultaneous broadcasts on November 1st at 8:00 PM (EST) on DISH Network, TVN and the Cinema Now website. The one registration covers Federal, State and Local voter registration. The two-hour film was planned to be shown as part of the three-hour "The Michael Moore Pre-Election Special" on iN DEMAND, but iN DEMAND backed out in mid-October for "legitimate business and legal concerns." In a statement Michael Moore said he believes iN DEMAND decided not to air the film because of pressure from "top Republican people". Periodically the Electoral Commission conducts door-to-door campaigns to try to ensure that all eligible persons are registered in the correct electorate.

All of these depictions of servicemen have been described by some as contradicting Moore's "final thoughts" segment, where he praises the troops as noble for volunteering and serving America so loyally, wondering out loud if they "will ever trust us again?" However, most footage of American troops was taken from other documentries, including the "heavy metal music" scene from Soundtrack to War. Similarly, if a change of address causes an individual to move to another electorate (Electoral Division) they are legaly obliged to notify the Electoral Commission within 8 weeks. By extension, Moore illustrates those who do actually join up as either extremely gullible or as only interested in money and not desirious of serving their country. An individual has 8 weeks after turning 18 to register. Finally, in the film's segment on the tactics of military recruiters, Moore depicts military personnel as underhanded and deceptive in their efforts to get people to enlist. Voter Registration is mandatory for all citizens 18 years of age or above. Additionally, in footage depicting the 2003 invasion of Iraq, Moore uses footage of Americans blasting heavy metal music from the PA system of their armored vehicles, implying they are immature and bloodthirsty. This current system is controversial as it is possible for one person to delete people who may live with them from the electoral roll.

One notable scene, for instance, showed American soldiers raiding an Iraqi home for suspected insurgents, and dealing with the suspect and his family in a particularly harsh fashion. Across the country, the registration of electors is still technically the responsibility of the 'head of the household', a concept seen by some as being somewhat out of step with modern society. One other major criticism of Moore's film include his depiction of American soldiers during the war, and the seeming incompatibility of these depictions with the overtures of support for them he makes in his conclusion. The system of individual registration used in Northern Ireland may be piloted in Great Britain if the recently introduced Electoral Administration Bill is made into law in time for the local elections n 2006. He claims that Moore altered the footage in a deceptive and underhanded fashion. Following an experiment in Northern Ireland using personal identifiers, such as National Insurance numbers and signatures, the number of registered electors fell by some ten thousand; it is understood that this may have taken off the electoral roll fictitious voters. Both of his arms were blown off in the line of duty, and he insists that his description of phantom limb pain used in Moore's film were not meant to imply that he blamed the administration for his wounds or that he disagreed with the mission in Iraq. This replaced the twice-yearly census of electors which often disenfranchised those who had moved house in-between surveys.

An American serviceman wounded in Iraq and featured in Fahrenheit 911 has also spoken out against Moore and his message. The current system of registration, introduced by the Labour government is known as rolling registration whereby electors can register with a local authority at any time of the year. Glenn Chastain, went further, stating that coastal patrols were not the responsibility of the Oregon State Police, but rather the United States Coast Guard. A voting card is sent to each registrant shortly before any elections which is used as proof that you are registered when voting. The trooper's commander, Lt. Voters must be on the Electoral roll in order to vote in national, local or European elections. Furthermore, Kenyon insists his statements to NBC news, although they were eventually used by Moore, did not mean he supported any of Moore's other views on the Bush Administration. It is not compulsory to vote however.

The trooper has been quoted, however, as saying that his statements were not meant to imply that the Bush Administration was at fault for Oregon state budget cuts, nor that terrorism was a particular threat to Oregon's coastline. In the UK voter registration is by law compulsory (when asked to do so), though this is rarely actually enforced. This segment was picked up and used by Moore to try and prove his assertion that budget cuts enacted by the Bush Administration, thereby exposing Oregon and its vast coast to terrorist infiltration. In these states, one type of voter intimidation is to inform people falsely that registration is closed. The Oregon State Police segment featured a Trooper Andy Kenyon, who was interviewed by NBC news on the detrimental effects of state budget cuts on the operational capabilities of his department. states: Minnesota, Maine, Wisconsin, New Hampshire, Wyoming, and Idaho. The most glaring examples of this manipulation includes footage of interviews with an Oregon State Trooper and an interview with a wounded and an American serviceman wounded and subsequently disabled in Iraq. This tactic, called same-day registration, has been adopted by several U.S.

Another point of criticism often leveled against Moore is his use of stock footage taken from American newscasters. Other groups, while not agreeing with this specific suggestion, argue that the laws should be reformed; for instance, allowing voters to register on the day of the election. This contention, it should be noted, has been debunked by a coalition of top American newspapers, including the Washington Post and New York Times, which concluded after a lengthy recount of their own that George Bush would have won, even if the comprehensive recount requested by Gore hadn't been rejected by the US Supreme Court. Because of this, they are often controversial; some, especially on the left wing, advocate for their abolition (thus allowing all residents of a given area to vote, including non-citizens). Bush had "stolen" the election. This lower turnout is especially concentrated among low-income voters and young voters — i.e., those least likely to vote no matter what the registration requirements. The letter's new "headline" insisted that Al Gore had won the recount, supporting Moore's premise that George W. Laws requiring individual voters to register, as opposed to having the government register people automatically, have a strong correlation with lower numbers of people turning out to vote.

The text of the letter was digitally inflated and rearranged, creating the illusion that it was a factual article written by an actual reporter. Even in countries where registration is the individual's responsibility, many reformers, seeking to maximize voter turnout, have pushed for wider availability of the required forms; one such effort in the United States led to the passage of the Motor Voter laws, which required states to offer to register people when the people came in for a driver's licence. Perhaps the most blantant and oft-cited example of Moore manipulating his audience is the use of a letter to the editor from a Florida newspaper during Moore's segment covering the 2000 Presidential election recount in Florida. Governments registering people has been shown to be one of the most powerful predictors of high voting turnout levels. Others even contend that Moore's premises and evidence contradict his conclusions. In many others, however, citizens must "opt in" to voting, generally by filling out a specific form registering them to vote. Accusations leveled against Moore using deception, propaganda, and even employing outright falsehoods and fabrications to make his point. In some countries, registration is the responsibility of the government, either local or national.

Moore has been criticized by conservatives and even liberals (such as Christopher Hitchens) for both the content and conclusions of his film. . Due to the highly political nature of the film, criticism was inevitable. An effort to get people to register is known as a voter registration drive. [14]. Voter registration is the requirement in some democracies for citizens to check in with some central registry before being allowed to vote in elections. Bush won Worst Actor, Bush with either Condoleezza Rice or his pet goat won Worst Screen Couple, Donald Rumsfeld won Worst Supporting Actor, and Rice and Britney Spears were both nominated for Worst Supporting Actress, with Spears winning the award.

George W. The film also won four Razzies, not for its lack of quality but rather as a 'joke' about the "actors". However, the film won other awards such as the People's Choice Award for Favourite Motion Picture, an unprecedented honor for a documentary. The film received no Oscar nominations when they were announced on January 25, 2005.

2." Moore had previously won a Best Documentary Oscar for Bowling for Columbine and noted that in the current situation, the above priorities take precedence to winning a second Oscar and that he would prefer his fellow documentarians to have a chance to win the Oscar themselves. Moore planned instead to submit and promote his film for the Best Picture Oscar, commenting: "For me the real Oscar would be Bush's defeat on Nov. On September 6, 2004, Moore announced that, because he was seeking a television airing of Fahrenheit 9/11 prior to the November presidential election, the film would not be submitted for consideration for a Best Documentary Oscar (from which a broadcast within nine months of release would disqualify the film under Oscar rules). It contains Moore's sources for his allegations, audience e-mails about the film, film reviews, articles and political cartoons pertaining to the film.

A companion book, The Official Fahrenheit 9/11 Reader, was released at the same time. [13]. About 2 million copies were sold on the first day. In the first days of the release, the documentary broke records for the best-sold documentary ever.

presidential election, in order to maximize its political impact. Moore stated that he wanted to release the movie for home viewing prior to the 2004 U.S. Fahrenheit 9/11 was released to DVD and VHS on October 5, 2004, an unusually short turnaround time after theatrical release. He also gave permission for the film to be downloaded onto personal computers.

That issue is moot, anyway, since Moore decided consciously to forego Oscar eligibility in favor of a DVD release of the film — reportedly because he felt that it was more important to spread his message as widely as possible amongst American voters than to win another award. However, soon after that story had been published, the Academy of Motion Picture Arts and Sciences issued a statement denying this, saying, "If it was pirated or stolen or unauthorized we would not blame the producer or distributor for that." [12] In addition, Wild Bunch, the film's overseas distributor for Cuba, issued a statement denying a television deal had been struck with Cuban Television. It had been widely reported that this might affect its Oscar eligibility. In Cuba, bootlegged versions of the film were shown in 120 theaters, followed by a prime-time television broadcast by the leading state-run network.

I think it's quite natural." By refusing to condemn his film's use by Hezbollah, an organization that has been implicated in the killing and kidnapping of American civilians abroad and has been labeled a terrorist organization by the United States and European Union, Moore has been accused of de facto treason by some. Having the support of such an entity in Lebanon is quite significant for that market and not at all controversial. Gianluca Chacra, managing director of Front Row Entertainment, the Middle East distributor for Fahrenheit 9/11, has stated, “We can't go against these organizations, as they could strongly boycott the film in Lebanon and Syria. In Lebanon, some student members of the group Hezbollah have asked if there was any way they could support the film.

The film has been banned in Kuwait. In certain countries, the film was received as a confirmation of what informed people already knew, but critics still found the film effective because it had managed to cause controversy in the US. The film was a major success in most European countries. Bush is prohibited by law from running [for presidency] again.".

The official mourning period is over today and there is a silver lining — George W. We're communicators and it's up to us to start doing it now. They weren't told the truth. Fifty-one percent of the American people lacked information [in this election] and we want to educate and enlighten them.

We want to document it. On November 12, 2004, Moore announced his intention to produce a sequel to the film, to be entitled Fahrenheit 9/11 1/2. In an interview with Daily Variety, he stated, "We want to get cameras rolling now and have it ready in two, three years. Furthermore, it was hoped that it would give heart to people who disagreed with Bush's policies, but felt their views were being marginalized. Nonetheless, Bush's critics hoped that the success of the film was an indication of wide public support for more open debate on the Bush administration's policies.

Despite Moore's energetic campaign in favor of Democratic challenger John Kerry, Bush was re-elected to a second term on November 2, 2004, albeit with a narrower margin of votes than any sitting US president in American history. Bush's chances of re-election. Partly because of the success of the film, it was widely debated what effect it would have on George W. There were also efforts by liberal groups such as MoveOn.org to encourage attendance in order to defy their political opponents' contrary efforts.

Moore credited part of this success to the efforts of conservative groups to pressure theaters not to run the film, conjecturing that these efforts backfired by creating publicity. During the weekend of July 24, 2004, the film passed the $100 million mark in box-office receipts, again an unprecedented amount for a feature-length political documentary. The film was released in France on July 7, 2004 and in the UK on July 9, 2004. theatrical run of any other feature-length documentary (including Moore's previous film, Bowling for Columbine).

Its opening weekend earned more than the entire U.S. and Canada, making it the weekend's top-grossing film, despite having been screened in only 868 theaters (many of the weekend's other top movies played on over 2,500 screens). On its opening weekend of June 25–June 27, this film generated box-office revenue of $23.9 million in the U.S. He also said that, despite the fact that Moore's talent was "not in doubt," he had won the award "for political rather than cinematographic reasons, no matter what the jury said." [11].

In comments to the prize-winning jury in 2005, however, Cannes director Gilles Jacob said they should make their decision based on film-making rather than politics — a clear reference to Fahrenheit 9/11. We awarded the art of cinema, that is what won you this award and we wanted you to know that as a fellow filmmaker.'". Some of us have no politics. We are not here to give a political award.

He also responded to claims that the award was political: "Quentin [Tarantino] whispered in my ear, 'we want you to know that it was not the politics of your film that won you this award. [...] This is not a French award, it was given by an international jury dominated by Americans.". Four out of nine were American. Some conservatives in the United States, such as Jon Alvarez of Patriotic Americans Boycotting Anti-American Hollywood (PABAAH), commented [10] that such an award could be expected from "the French" (see Anti-Americanism, Anti-French sentiment in the United States); Moore responded: "There was only one French citizen on the jury.

Just like his much-publicized Oscar acceptance speech, Moore's speech in Cannes included some opinionated statements:. It was the first documentary to win that award since Jacques Cousteau and Louis Malle's The Silent World in 1956. On May 22, 2004, the film was awarded the Palme d'Or. After its first showing in Cannes in May of 2004, the film received a 20-minute standing ovation, which Cannes artistic director Thierry Frémaux declared "the longest standing ovation in the history of the festival." (According to French news the standing ovation was over 23 minutes long).

In April 2004 the film was selected to compete for the Palme d'Or at the 57th Cannes Film Festival. The film is also dedicated to "countless thousands" of civilian victims of war as a result of United States military activities in Iraq and Afghanistan. The movie is dedicated to Moore's friend who was killed in the World Trade Center attacks on September 11, 2001, and to those servicemen and women from Flint, Michigan, who have been killed in Iraq. President, we agree with you.".

Fool me twice, shame on me." What he came up with combined part of that maxim with the title of The Who song "Won't Get Fooled Again." In the context of the film, Moore is tying the clip back to the beginning of the film to imply Moore's hope that the American public would not be "fooled again." After the clip, Moore is heard saying, "For once Mr. You fool me you can't get fooled again." He was presumably trying to say, "Fool me once, shame on you. Bush stumbling through the saying: "There's an old saying in Tennessee — I know it's in Texas, it's probably in Tennessee — that says, fool me once, shame on — shame on you. The film ends with a clip of George W.

In the beginning of the documentary, Moore focuses on the 2000 election with footage of a hypothetical Gore victory and in the process states his opinion that the public was fooled. Will they ever trust us again?" However, earlier in the film, he asserts that the large proportion of working-class people in the military can be mainly attributed to a lack of other career options. And all they ask for in return, is that we never send them into harm's way unless it's absolutely necessary. It is remarkable — their gift to us.

They offer to give up their lives so that we can be free. They serve so that we don't have to. Near the end, tying together several themes and points, Moore compliments those serving in the US military, "I've always been amazed that the very people forced to live in the worst parts of town, go to the worst schools, and who have it the hardest, are always the first to step up, to defend that very system. He accosts Congressmen on the sidewalk to give them United States armed forces pamphlets and to urge them to have their children enlist.

He also comments that only a single Congressman has children serving in Iraq. Upon learning that most members of Congress had not read the USA Patriot Act before passing it, Moore drives around the Capitol in an ice cream truck, reading the statute over a loudspeaker. As in his other movies, Moore uses humor to enliven his argument. As she talks with a protester in a tent, they are confronted by a woman who claims that the protester's exhibits are "all staged." Lipscomb asks her if her son's death was staged also.

Toward the end of the film, Lipscomb was shown walking up to the security barrier surrounding the White House, (she had invited Moore's crew to join her on a job conference to Washington, DC.) She expressed her difficulty in coming to terms with the place and in realizing how the decisions made there would ultimately bring about the death of her son. Anguished and tearful, she expressed questions about the war's purpose and how that came to take the life of her son. Later in the film, Lipscomb reappears, this time in tears with her family, after hearing of the death of her son, Michael Pederson, who was killed on April 2, 2003, in Karbala. She praised the Army's active recruitment in the low-income town, saying enlistment was a good option for young people to get a start on life.

The Flint segment also focused on a strong war supporter named Lila Lipscomb, who had a daughter in the 1991 Persian Gulf War and now had a son serving in Iraq. The segment showed the techniques and minor flatteries by which they made personal contact with people, asking questions and making suggestions that interests such as music and basketball would be avenues available to pursue through the military. In the economically hard-hit town, Moore explained that Flint's low-income neighborhoods were a prime target of military recruiters, and followed two Marine recruiters in uniform, during the course of actively recruiting young men for enlistment. Like all other Moore films, Fahrenheit 9/11 featured extensive focus on the impact of the Iraq War on Flint.

Moore obtained footage of the preparation for the televised announcement of the Iraq war, where Bush "mugs" for the camera, seconds before uttering "My fellow Americans...". It also shows a business convention where numerous corporate representatives attend and hear a pitch about how much money companies can make through the conflict in Iraq. The documentary touches on other themes as well, discussing reduction in the number of people enlisting in the military because of the war, and US military recruiters using some questionable pledges to get new sign-ups; particularly targeting poorer neighborhoods. Moore's uncensored copy was from 2000, and the restrictions did not take effect until 2003.) Moore contends that Bush's dry-hole oil well attempts were partially funded by the Saudis and, in fact, by bin Laden family money.

(This may have been due to HIPAA restrictions on the release of medical records, in this case the record showing Bath's suspension for not taking an exam. Bath, a Guard friend of Bush's who went on to work as a financial agent for the Saudis and helped channel Saudi money to one of Bush's businesses. The difference between the versions is that the White House blacked out the name of James R. Bush's Air National Guard service record — first the censored copy produced by the White House, then an uncensored copy that Moore had obtained a few years earlier.

Moore shows a Vietnam war-era document of George W. The next scene is of Bush sitting in a Florida classroom, holding a book called Reading Mastery 2, for seven minutes after being told there was a second airplane crash into the World Trade Center. Many of the scenes also depict Bush playing golf with family, fishing, and feeding his dog, and other scenes show him being heckled by reporters over his poor productivity during the time before September 11th. [9].

The figure comes from a Washington Post article that concludes Bush spent "a whopping 54 days at his Texas ranch, 38 days at the presidential retreat at Camp David and four more at his parents' place in Kennebunkport, Maine." Critics dispute this figure as misleading, remarking that it includes visits by foreign dignitaries as vacation time. Bush's ascension to power and alleges a 42-percent vacation rate before September 11, 2001. The film begins with George W. In it, he stated that he was obtaining footage directly from Iraq:.

In April 2004, Moore posted a note on his web site regarding the progress of the film. By contrast, Moore refrained from using the familiar footage of the September 11 attacks, but instead presented a blank screen with only the sounds of the incident, then cut to reactions of onlookers of the attacks. One brief clip shows a public beheading filmed in Jidda, Saudi Arabia. The film also shows US soldiers with amputations and nerve damage.

The film contains numerous graphic clips of military and civilian casualties in the Iraq war, including dead and mutilated bodies, as well as footage of American soldiers deployed to Iraq who use music as a "Soundtrack to War". One of his primary sources for these claims is the book House of Bush, House of Saud by Craig Unger. In this vein, he also examines the government-sponsored evacuation of relatives of Osama bin Laden after the attacks. Although the business connections between the Bush family and various high-ranking Saudis are not disputed, they are not widely known, and Moore has previously alleged that the Bush administration turned a blind eye to Saudi links to terrorist groups, (most of the September 11 hijackers were Saudis).

[7] (See Bush family conspiracy theory.). The links form a relationship spanning three decades, supposedly worth $1.4 billion to the Bush family and their friends and associates. In the film, Moore also describes the links between the Bush family and associated persons, such as prominent Saudi Arabian families, including the Saudi royal family and the family of Osama bin Laden. The film discusses the causes and aftermath of the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks, including the 2003 invasion of Iraq and the U.S.-led occupation of Iraq.

. [5] The film has grossed a further $99 million overseas.[6]. box office, and over US$220 million worldwide, an unprecedented amount for a political documentary; Sony reported first-day DVD sales of two million copies, again a new record for the genre. As of January, 2005, the film has grossed nearly US$120 million in U.S.

The film debuted at the 2004 Cannes Film Festival in the documentary film category and was awarded the Palme d'Or (Golden Palm), the festival's highest award, by an international jury (four Americans, four Europeans, and one Asian). [2][3][4]. Moore himself has called it an "op-ed piece" while vehemently defending its factual accuracy. The film has been denounced by some as misleading propaganda, and praised by others as a valuable perspective on the Bush administration's response to 9/11 that the American media have not broadcast.

One of Moore's stated aims in making the documentary was to prevent Bush from being reelected in 2004. political scene." [1] The documentary has another theme of criticizing the American corporate media for being "cheerleaders" for the war in Iraq, and not providing an accurate and objective analysis of what led to the Iraq invasion and the resulting civilian casualties there. The Los Angeles Times described the film as "an alternate history of the last four years on the U.S. Bush and the War on Terrorism.

It presents a critical look at the administration of George W. The film generated a great deal of controversy. It was named after Ray Bradbury's dystopian Science Fiction novel Fahrenheit 451. The film has since been released in 42 more countries and holds the record for highest box office receipts by a general release documentary.

Fahrenheit 9/11 is a high-grossing, award-winning documentary film by American filmmaker and liberal activist Michael Moore, which had a general release in the United States and Canada on June 25, 2004 in the run up to the presidential election.