This page will contain news stories about Porcelain, as they become available.PorcelainPorcelain is a hard ceramic substance made by heating at high temperature selected and refined materials often including clay in the form of kaolinite. Porcelain clay when mixed with water forms a plastic paste which can be worked to a required shape or form that is hardened and made permanent by firing in a kiln at temperatures of between about 1200 degrees Celsius and about 1400 degrees Celsius. The toughness, strength and translucence of porcelain arises mainly from the formation at high temperatures within the clay body of the mineral mullite and glass. Porcelain was so-named after its resemblance to the white, shiny Venus-shell, called in old Italian porcella. The curved shape of the upper surface of the Venus-shell resembles the curve of a pig's back (Latin porcella, a little pig, a pig). Physical properties associated with porcelain include those of low permeability, high strength, hardness, glassiness, durability, whiteness, translucence, resonance, brittleness, high resistance to the passage of electricity, high resistance to thermal shock and high elasticity. Porcelain is used to make wares for the table and kitchen, sanitary wares, decorative wares and objects of fine art. Its high resistance to the passage of electricity makes porcelain an ideal insulating material and it is used in dentistry to make false teeth, caps and crowns. Scope, materials and methodsScopePorcelain has many uses, but this article is concerned mainly with its employment as a material used to make objects of craft and fine art, including decorative and utilitarian household wares. This follows the Wikipedia policy of drawing a line between technology and the fine arts, though in the case of porcelain the line is a difficult one to draw. Industrial and other uses are (or, it is hoped, will be) covered elsewhere in the encyclopedia. Another difficult line to draw is that which divides high-fired stonewares from porcelain. Where this line is drawn depends upon how the terms porcelain and stoneware are defined and this puzzle has been and continues to be the subject of controversy. However, ceramics have an existance that is entirely independent of the words used to classify them and in this article the term porcelain is taken to encompass a broad range of high-fired ceramic wares, including some that might according to some systems of classification fall into the category of stoneware. MaterialsThe composition of porcelain is highly variable, but China clay, comprising mainly or in part the platey clay mineral kaolinite is often a significant component. Other materials mixed with China clay to make porcelain clay have included ball-clay, glass, bone ash, steatite, quartz, petuntse and alabaster. The clays used by potters are often described as being long or short according to plasticity. Long clays are cohesive (sticky) and of high plasticity and short clays are less cohesive and are of lower plasticity. In soil mechanics plasticity is determined by measuring the increase in content of water required to change a clay from a solid state bordering on the plastic, to a plastic state bordering on the liquid, though the term is also used less formally to describe the facility with which a clay may be worked. Porcelain clays are of lower plasticity (shorter) than many other clays used for making pottery and wet very quickly, which is to say that small changes in the content of water can produce large changes in workability. Thus, the range of water contents within which porcelain clays can be worked is very narrow and the loss or gain of water during storage and throwing or forming must be carefully controlled to keep the clay from becoming too wet or too dry to manipulate. Some clays used for making ceramic wares are too cohesive to be thrown on the wheel, including for example, the brown clays used to form the bodies of the red stonewares of Yixing in the Chinese province of Jiangsu and as a result of this Yixing-wares are almost always hand-built. When referring to the materials that they use, potters often employ words and names in a way that can be confusing for the layman. Reference should be made to the Wikipedia article on Pottery for an explanation of some of these terms, but it might be helpful to note that the material used to form the body of porcelain wares is often referred to as clay, even though clay minerals might account for only a small proportion of its whole. The porcelain clay body, unfired or fired, is sometimes spoken of as the paste and porcelain clay is itself sometimes described as the body (for example, when buying materials a potter might order such an amount of porcelain body from a vendor). MethodsThe Wikipedia article on Pottery provides much useful background information on methods used for forming, decorating, finishing, glazing and firing ceramic wares. Forming. Porcelain wares are formed by hand-building, moulding, pressing, slip-casting or by throwing on a potter's wheel. Sometimes a combination of these methods is used and, for example, it would not be uncommon for a piece to have a thrown body, moulded handles and slip-cast decoration, the parts being luted together before firing (lute is a thick liquid mixture of clay and water used to join unfired parts together). The relatively low plasticity of the clays used for making porcelain can cause difficulties for the potter, particularly in the case of wheel-thrown wares. To the spectator, throwing is often seen as pulling clay upwards and outwards into a required shape and potters often speak of pulling when forming a piece on a wheel, but the term is misleading, clay in a plastic condition cannot be pulled without breaking. The process of throwing is in fact one of remarkable complexity. The earliest ceramics were hand-built using a simple coiling technique in which clay was rolled into long threads that were then pinched and beaten together to form the body of a vessel. In the coiling method of construction, all of the energy required to form the body of a piece is supplied directly by the hands of the potter. This changed with the introduction of the fast-wheel, early forms of which utilised energy stored in the rotating mass of the heavy stone wheel itself. The wheel was wound-up and charged with energy by pushing it round with a stick, an arrangement that permitted the energy stored in the wheel to be finely directed to where it was required, at the point where the hands of the potter come into contact with the clay. Unlike hand-building, in wheel-throwing the bulk of the energy used does not come directly from the hands of the potter. The introduction of the fast-wheel brought benefits in the form of speed and a job that might have taken hours, or even days, to complete was reduced to one that could be done in minutes. However, the fast-wheel also brought with it significant problems and made new demands on the skills of the potter. To the casual observer, throwing carried out by an expert potter appears to be a graceful and almost effortless activity, but this masks the fact that a rotating mass of clay possesses energy and momentum in an abundance that will, given the slightest mishandling, have a rapid and dramatic effect on the piece being thrown. The sight of a novice potter wrestling with an eccentric mass of rotating clay in an attempt to save both pot and face can produce mixed emotions in the minds of more experienced onlookers. However, the lesson should be well-learned; potters work within constraints set by the materials and methods that they use and these constraints cannot be overcome by the application of unfocused brute force. Glazing. It generally supposed that the first glazes to appear on ceramic wares resulted from the unavoidable presence in the kiln of lime-rich wood ash, which acted on the surface of the wares as a flux. Unlike their lower-fired counterparts, porcelain wares do not need glazing to render them impermeable to liquids and for the most part are glazed for decorative purposes and to make them resistant to dirt and staining. Many types of glaze, such as the iron-containing glaze used on the celadon wares of Longquan, were designed specifically for their striking effects on porcelain. Decoration. Porcelain wares may be decorated under the glaze, using pigments that include cobalt and copper, or over the glaze using coloured enamels. In common with many earlier wares, modern porcelain wares are often bisque-fired at around 1000 degrees Celsius, coated with glaze and then sent for a second glaze-firing at a temperature of about 1300 degrees Celsius, or greater. In an alternative method of glazing particularly associated with Chinese and early European porcelains the glaze was applied to the unfired body and the two fired together in a single operation. Wares glazed in this way are described as being green-fired or once-fired. Firing. Firing is the operation of heating green (unfired) ceramic wares at high-temperatures in a kiln to make permanent their shapes. Chinese porcelainChinese porcelain is made using China stone, China clay or a combination of the two materials. Both minerals derive from the weathering and decomposition of granitic rocks. China clay largely comprises the clay mineral kaolinite (Gaoling) and China stone, petunse (baidunzi) is a micaceous rock of variable composition whose componants include quartz and sericite. China stone also occurs kaolinised to a greater or lesser extent. China stone and China clay are both platy minerals, which is to say that they are composed to varying degrees of small platelets of high surface area (external and internal) and are capable of holding relatively large amounts of water. This is of importance because most of the methods used for forming the body parts of ceramic pieces (throwing on a wheel, for example) depend upon the application of compression to align the platelets and increase the plasticity and workability of the clay mixture. In the case of throwing, compression is applied by the hand of the potter. Chinese ceramic wares are often classified as being either northern or southern. Present day China comprises two separate, and from the geological point of view, distinctly different, land masses: the northern and the southern. The two land masses were brought together by the action of continental drift, forming a junction that lies very approximately along the line of the present-day Yangtze river. Geological differences between the northern and the southern land masses have influenced the nature of the ceramic wares made in the two areas and, for example, in the north ceramic wares tend to have bodies made using mainly China clay, in the south ceramic wares tend to have bodies made using mainly China stone. In turn, this led to the development of coal-fuelled kilns suitable for the high-temperature firing of clay-rich wares in the north and wood-fuelled kilns more suitable for the lower-temperature firing of the stone-rich southern wares. In the Western tradition ceramics are primarily divided into the categories of earthenware, stoneware or porcelain, depending upon the composition of the body material and the temperature at which the ware matures into a stable crystaline matrix. The Chinese tradition recognises only two primary categories of ceramic, high-fired (ci) and low-fired (tao). This can lead to confusion because, for example, in China no distinction is drawn between high-fired stonewares and porcelain. One result of this is that the property of resonance carries greater weight than that of translucence in the Chinese classification of high-fired ceramic wares. An unusual characteristic of Chinese porcelain is that in the main it is green-fired or once-fired, which is to say that the body and the glaze are fired together. After the body of a piece is formed and finished it is air-dried, coated with a glaze, dried again and fired. In the high temperature of the kiln the body and the glaze are fused together to become one unit. Chinese enamelled wares are also produced in this way, but the enamels are added after the first, high-temperature, firing and the pieces are sent for a second firing in a smaller, lower-temperature kiln. JingdezhenThe city of Jingdezhen has been an important centre for the production of ceramics in southern China since at least the early Han Dynasty. The early wares were low-fired but by the time of the Southern and Northern Dynasties (420 to 589) locally available raw materials were being used to produce a form of porcelain. In the year 1004, under the Song emperor Jingde, the newly re-named city of Jingdezhen was established as a centre for the production of imperial porcelain. Porcelain workshop in JingdezhenDetailed descriptions of the manufacture of porcelain at Jingdezhen during the Qing dynasty exist, including, from the European perspective, the letters of Père d'Entrecolles and from the Chinese perspective, a memoir written by Tang Ying. Two letters written by Père Francois Xavier d'Entrecolles, a Jesuit missionary (and industrial spy) who lived and worked in Jingdezhen described in detail the methods and materials used in the manufacture of porcelain wares in the later years of the reign of the Kangxi emperor; an important period in the history of Chinese ceramics. In his first letter, dated 1712, d'Entrecolles describes the way in which China stone was crushed, refined and formed into little white bricks known in Chinese as petuntse or baidunzi. He then goes on to describe the refining of China clay, kaolin or Gaoling, the preparation of glazes, the stages of forming porcelain wares, glazing and firing. Père d'Entrecolles, explaining his motives for describing what he had seen at Jingdezhen, states that "Nothing but my curiosity could ever have prompted me to such researches, but it appears to me that a minute description of all that concerns this kind of work might, somehow, be useful in Europe" but in the event his first letter came too late to be of much help in the European search for the secret of making porcelain. In 1743, during the reign of the Qianlong emperor, Tang Ying, the imperial supervisor at Jingdezhen produced a memoir entitled "Twenty illustrations of the manufacture of porcelain." Unfortunately, the original illustrations have been lost but the text of the memoir may be found here, together with photographs replacing the missing illustrations and an additional commentary. HistoryIn the context of Chinese ceramics the term porcelain lacks a universally accepted definition. This in turn has led to confusion about when the first Chinese porcelain was made. Claims have been made for the late Eastern Han period (100 to 200 AD) the Three Kingdoms period (220 to 280 AD) the Six Dynasties period (220 to 589 AD) and the Tang Dynasty (618 to 906 AD). A strong body of Chinese scholarly opinion is currently of the view that the first true porcelain was made in the Chinese province of Zhejiang during the Eastern Han period, but this opinion is controversial. However, Chinese experts emphasise the presence of a significant proportion of porcelain-building minerals (China clay, China stone or a combination of both) as an important factor in defining porcelain and shards recovered from Eastern Han kiln sites in Zhejiang, estimated to have been fired at a temperature of between 1260 to 1300 degrees Celsius, were found that met this condition. During the Sui and Tang periods (581 to 906) a wide range of ceramics, low-fired and high-fired, were produced. These included the well-known Tang lead-glazed sancai (three-colour) wares, the high-firing, lime-glazed Yue celadon wares and low-fired wares from Changsha. In northern China, high-fired, translucent porcelains were made at kilns in the provinces of Henan and Hebei. During the Song and Yuan dynasties porcelain was made at Jingdezhen and other kiln sites in southern China using crushed and refined China stone alone, but by the early eighteenth century China clay was being added to the China stone, in about equal proportions. Porcelain bodies made from China stone fire at a lower temperature, in the region of 1200 degrees Celsius, than those made with a mixture of China clay and China stone, which require firing in the region of 1350 degrees Celsius. China clay when added to the body material produced a porcelain of great strength and whiteness (whiteness, in particular, was a much sought after property of porcelain, especially that used for blue and white wares). The temperatures within a typical large, southern egg-shaped kiln varied greatly, from hot, at the firebox end, to cooler, at the chimney end. One advantage gained by the addition in varying amounts of China clay was that the composition of the mix could be varied to suit the position that the wares made from it would occupy in the kiln, with a clay-rich mix being used for wares to be fired at the hot end of the kiln and a stone-rich mix being used for wares to be fired at the cooler end of the kiln. Some notable Chinese porcelain waresSong dynasty qingbai bowlQingbai waresQingbai wares were made at Jingdezhen and at many other southern kilns from the time of the Northern Song until their almost complete eclipse, starting early in the fourteenth century, by underglaze-decorated blue and white wares. The qingbai glaze is a porcelain glaze, so-called because it was made using China stone, an important constituent of the porcelain body. The qingbai glaze is clear, but contains iron in small amounts. When applied over a white porcelain body the glaze produces a greenish-blue colour that gives the glaze its name (qingbai in Chinese means greenish-blue). Bowls, some with incised or moulded decoration and varying from the everyday to more finely made pieces represent the overwhelming bulk of surviving qingbai wares. The Song dynasty qingbai bowl illustrated was probably made at the Jingdezhen village of Hutian, which was also the site of the Imperial kilns established in the year 1004. The bowl has incised decoration, probably representing clouds or the reflection of clouds in the water. The body is white, translucent and has the texture of very fine sugar, indicating that it was made using crushed and refined China stone, rather than a mixture of China stone and China clay. The glaze and the body of the bowl would have been fired together, in a saggar, in a large, wood-burning dragon-kiln or climbing-kiln typical of southern kilns of the period. Though not the case with the bowl illustrated, many Song and Yuan qingbai bowls were fired upside down in special segmented saggars, a technique first developed at the Ding kilns in Hebei province. The rims of such wares were left unglazed but were often bound with bands of silver, copper or lead. Kangxi period (1662 to 1722) blue and white porcelain tea caddyBlue and white waresFollowing in the tradition of earlier qingbai porcelains, blue and white wares are glazed using a transparent porcelain glaze. The blue decoration is painted onto the body of the porcelain before glazing, using very finely ground cobalt oxide mixed with water. After the decoration has been applied the pieces are glazed and fired. It is believed that underglaze blue and white porcelain was first made in the Tang Dynasty. No complete piece of Tang blue and white is known to exist, but shards dating to the eighth or ninth century have been unearthed at Yangzhou in Jiangsu province. It has been suggested that the shards originated from a kiln in the province of Henan. In 1957 excavations at the site of a pagoda in the province Zhejiang uncovered a Northern Song bowl decorated with underglaze blue and further fragments have since been discovered at the same site. In 1970 a small fragment of a blue and white bowl, also dated to the eleventh century, was also excavated in the province of Zhejiang. In 1975 shards decorated with underglaze blue were excavated at a kiln site in Jiangxi and, in the same year, an underglaze blue and white urn was excavated from a tomb dated to the year 1319, in the province of Jiangsu. It is of interest to note that a Yuan funerary urn decorated with underglaze blue and underglaze red and dated 1338 is still in the Chinese taste, even though by this time the large-scale production of blue and white porcelain in the Yuan, Mongol, taste had started at Jingdezhen. Starting early in the fourteenth century, blue and white wares rapidly became the main product of Jingdezhen, reaching the height of its technical excellence during the later years of the reign of the Kangxi emperor and continuing in present times to be an important product of the city. The tea caddy illustrated shows many of the characteristics of blue and white porcelain produced during the Kangxi period. The translucent body showing through the clear glaze is of great whiteness and the cobalt decoration, applied in many layers, is of a fine blue hue. The decoration, a sage in a landscape of lakes and mountains with blazed rocks is typical of the period. The potting is good and the porcelain body is finely textured, indicating the presence of a significant proportion of China clay in the paste. The piece would have been fired in a saggar (a lidded ceramic box intended to protect the piece from kiln debris, smoke and cinders during firing) in a reducing atmosphere in a wood-burning egg-shaped kiln, at a temperature approaching 1350 degrees Celsius. Fakes and reproductionsChinese potters have a long tradition of borrowing design and decorative features from earlier wares. Whilst ceramics with features thus borrowed might sometimes pose problems of provenance, they would not generally be regarded as either reproductions or fakes. However, fakes and reproductions have also been made at many times during the long history of Chinese ceramics and continue to be made today in ever-increasing numbers. A few examples are given below.
The value of testing in the authentication of Chinese porcelain is disputed. The most widely-known test, the thermoluminescence test (TL-test) can be used to provide an estimate, within very wide limits, of the date of last firing. The test is carried out on small samples of porcelain drilled or cut from the body of a piece, which can be risky and disfiguring. For this reason the test is rarely used for dating finely-potted, high-fired ceramics. Other tests can be used to determine the composition of glazes and body materials, for comparison with the results of analyses carried out on reference specimens of known provenance. It is however widely held that at best, testing can only be of use when combined with other, more traditional, methods for helping to establish provenance. Such methods might including comparative techniques, expert opinion and the evaluation of written and verbal records, where these are available. Chinese porcelain references
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Such methods might including comparative techniques, expert opinion and the evaluation of written and verbal records, where these are available. Although there has historically been little or no gene flow between some human populations such as the aboriginal Australians and black Africans, they a. It is however widely held that at best, testing can only be of use when combined with other, more traditional, methods for helping to establish provenance. Cultural anthropologists believe humans to be monotypic because they argue races gradually fade into one another in many parts of the world. Other tests can be used to determine the composition of glazes and body materials, for comparison with the results of analyses carried out on reference specimens of known provenance. Opponents of racial groupings argue that a distinct difference is only one of the two conditions for racial classifiction; the second condition is a lack of significant gene flow between populations. For this reason the test is rarely used for dating finely-potted, high-fired ceramics. 2004). The test is carried out on small samples of porcelain drilled or cut from the body of a piece, which can be risky and disfiguring. To complicate matters further, recent analyses suggest that everyone living today has exactly the same set of genealogical ancestors who lived as recently as a few thousand years in the past, although we have received our genetic inheritance in different proportions from those ancestors (Rohde et al. The most widely-known test, the thermoluminescence test (TL-test) can be used to provide an estimate, within very wide limits, of the date of last firing. Furthermore, the exponentially increasing number of our ancestors makes ancestry a quantitative rather than qualitative trait—5 centuries (or 20 generations) ago, each person had a maximum of >1 million ancestors (Ohno 1996). The value of testing in the authentication of Chinese porcelain is disputed. Misattributed paternity or adoption can separate biogeographical ancestry from socially defined ancestry. A few examples are given below. 2003). However, fakes and reproductions have also been made at many times during the long history of Chinese ceramics and continue to be made today in ever-increasing numbers. In one series of focus groups in the state of Georgia, 40% of ∼100 respondents said they did not know one or more of their four grandparents well enough to be certain how that person(s) would identify racially (Condit et al. Whilst ceramics with features thus borrowed might sometimes pose problems of provenance, they would not generally be regarded as either reproductions or fakes. When asked about the ancestry of their parents and grandparents, many people cannot provide accurate answers. Chinese potters have a long tradition of borrowing design and decorative features from earlier wares. Despite its seemingly objective nature, ancestry also has limitations as a way of categorizing people (Elliott and Brodwin 2002). The piece would have been fired in a saggar (a lidded ceramic box intended to protect the piece from kiln debris, smoke and cinders during firing) in a reducing atmosphere in a wood-burning egg-shaped kiln, at a temperature approaching 1350 degrees Celsius. 2004). The potting is good and the porcelain body is finely textured, indicating the presence of a significant proportion of China clay in the paste. However, others argue that low levels of differentiation between groups merely make the assignment to groups more difficult, not impossible (Bamshad et al. The decoration, a sage in a landscape of lakes and mountains with blazed rocks is typical of the period. The existence of allelic clines has been offered as evidence that individuals cannot be allocated into genetic clusters (Kittles & Weiss 2003). The translucent body showing through the clear glaze is of great whiteness and the cobalt decoration, applied in many layers, is of a fine blue hue. This phenomenon is often seen as a cline of allele frequencies. The tea caddy illustrated shows many of the characteristics of blue and white porcelain produced during the Kangxi period. As a result, allele frequencies will be correlated between these groups. Starting early in the fourteenth century, blue and white wares rapidly became the main product of Jingdezhen, reaching the height of its technical excellence during the later years of the reign of the Kangxi emperor and continuing in present times to be an important product of the city. Populations from neighboring geographic regions typically share more recent common ancestors. It is of interest to note that a Yuan funerary urn decorated with underglaze blue and underglaze red and dated 1338 is still in the Chinese taste, even though by this time the large-scale production of blue and white porcelain in the Yuan, Mongol, taste had started at Jingdezhen. However, the study of intra-continental ancestry may require a greater number of informative markers. In 1975 shards decorated with underglaze blue were excavated at a kiln site in Jiangxi and, in the same year, an underglaze blue and white urn was excavated from a tomb dated to the year 1319, in the province of Jiangsu. Genetic techniques that distinguish ancestry between continents can also be used to describe ancestry within continents. In 1970 a small fragment of a blue and white bowl, also dated to the eleventh century, was also excavated in the province of Zhejiang. population. In 1957 excavations at the site of a pagoda in the province Zhejiang uncovered a Northern Song bowl decorated with underglaze blue and further fragments have since been discovered at the same site. They conclude that ancient ancestry, which correlates tightly with self-described race and not current residence, is the major determinant of genetic structure in the U.S. It has been suggested that the shards originated from a kiln in the province of Henan. (2005) identified 4 genetic clusters among 3,636 individuals sampled from 15 locations in the United States, and were able to correctly assign individuals to groups that correspond with their self-described race (white, African American, East Asian, or Hispanic) for all but 5 individuals (an error rate of 0.14%). No complete piece of Tang blue and white is known to exist, but shards dating to the eighth or ninth century have been unearthed at Yangzhou in Jiangsu province. Using 326 genetic markers, Tang et al. It is believed that underglaze blue and white porcelain was first made in the Tang Dynasty. Nevertheless, recent research indicates that self-described race is a near-perfect indicator of an individual's genetic profile, at least in the United States. After the decoration has been applied the pieces are glazed and fired. Without the use of genotyping, this has been approximated by the self-described ancestry of an individual's grand-parents. The blue decoration is painted onto the body of the porcelain before glazing, using very finely ground cobalt oxide mixed with water. In this context, it is becoming more commonplace to describe "race" as fractional ancestry. Following in the tradition of earlier qingbai porcelains, blue and white wares are glazed using a transparent porcelain glaze. Likewise, many white Americans have mixed European and African ancestry, where ~30% of whites have less than 90% European ancestry. The rims of such wares were left unglazed but were often bound with bands of silver, copper or lead. (2003) found that on average African Americans have ~80% African ancestry. Though not the case with the bowl illustrated, many Song and Yuan qingbai bowls were fired upside down in special segmented saggars, a technique first developed at the Ding kilns in Hebei province. Shriver et al. The glaze and the body of the bowl would have been fired together, in a saggar, in a large, wood-burning dragon-kiln or climbing-kiln typical of southern kilns of the period. For example, self-described African Americans tend to have a mix of West African and European ancestry. The body is white, translucent and has the texture of very fine sugar, indicating that it was made using crushed and refined China stone, rather than a mixture of China stone and China clay. Some racial or ethnic groups, especially Hispanic groups, do not have homogenous ancestry. The bowl has incised decoration, probably representing clouds or the reflection of clouds in the water. One cause of the reduced power of the assignment of individuals to groups is admixture. The Song dynasty qingbai bowl illustrated was probably made at the Jingdezhen village of Hutian, which was also the site of the Imperial kilns established in the year 1004. However, in analyses that assign individuals to group it becomes less apparent that self-described racial groups are reliable indicators of ancestry. Bowls, some with incised or moulded decoration and varying from the everyday to more finely made pieces represent the overwhelming bulk of surviving qingbai wares. (2005) were able to assign 1,048 individuals from 52 populations around the globe to one of six genetic clusters, which correspond to major geographic regions. When applied over a white porcelain body the glaze produces a greenish-blue colour that gives the glaze its name (qingbai in Chinese means greenish-blue). For example, using 993 markers, Rosenberg et al. The qingbai glaze is clear, but contains iron in small amounts. However, even if group identity is stripped and group identity assigned a posteriori using only genetic data, population structure can still be inferred. The qingbai glaze is a porcelain glaze, so-called because it was made using China stone, an important constituent of the porcelain body. Many such studies are criticized for assigning group identity a priori. Qingbai wares were made at Jingdezhen and at many other southern kilns from the time of the Northern Song until their almost complete eclipse, starting early in the fourteenth century, by underglaze-decorated blue and white wares. These studies usually find that groups of humans living on the same continent are more similar to one another than to groups living on different continents. One advantage gained by the addition in varying amounts of China clay was that the composition of the mix could be varied to suit the position that the wares made from it would occupy in the kiln, with a clay-rich mix being used for wares to be fired at the hot end of the kiln and a stone-rich mix being used for wares to be fired at the cooler end of the kiln. The inference of population structure from multilocus genotyping depends on the selection of a large number of informative genetic markers. The temperatures within a typical large, southern egg-shaped kiln varied greatly, from hot, at the firebox end, to cooler, at the chimney end. Genetic data can be used to infer population structure and assign individuals to groups that often correspond with their self-identified geographical ancestry. China clay when added to the body material produced a porcelain of great strength and whiteness (whiteness, in particular, was a much sought after property of porcelain, especially that used for blue and white wares). 2005), but in an unknown percentage of cases, they do not (Brodwin 2002; Kaplan 2003). Porcelain bodies made from China stone fire at a lower temperature, in the region of 1200 degrees Celsius, than those made with a mixture of China clay and China stone, which require firing in the region of 1350 degrees Celsius. At least among those individuals who participate in biomedical research, genetic estimates of biogeographical ancestry generally agree with self-assessed ancestry (Tang et al. During the Song and Yuan dynasties porcelain was made at Jingdezhen and other kiln sites in southern China using crushed and refined China stone alone, but by the early eighteenth century China clay was being added to the China stone, in about equal proportions. census prior to 1960; it can be identified by an individual from a list of possibilities or with use of terms drawn from that person's experience; or it can be calculated from genetic data by use of loci with allele frequencies that differ geographically, as described above. In northern China, high-fired, translucent porcelains were made at kilns in the provinces of Henan and Hebei. Ancestry can be ascribed to an individual by an observer, as was the case with the U.S. These included the well-known Tang lead-glazed sancai (three-colour) wares, the high-firing, lime-glazed Yue celadon wares and low-fired wares from Changsha. The definition of ancestry may recognize a single predominant source or multiple sources. During the Sui and Tang periods (581 to 906) a wide range of ceramics, low-fired and high-fired, were produced. Ancestry may be defined geographically (e.g., Asian, sub-Saharan African, or northern European), geopolitically (e.g., Vietnamese, Zambian, or Norwegian), or culturally (e.g., Brahmin, Lemba, or Apache). However, Chinese experts emphasise the presence of a significant proportion of porcelain-building minerals (China clay, China stone or a combination of both) as an important factor in defining porcelain and shards recovered from Eastern Han kiln sites in Zhejiang, estimated to have been fired at a temperature of between 1260 to 1300 degrees Celsius, were found that met this condition. An alternative to the use of racial or ethnic categories is to categorize individuals in terms of ancestry. A strong body of Chinese scholarly opinion is currently of the view that the first true porcelain was made in the Chinese province of Zhejiang during the Eastern Han period, but this opinion is controversial. Furthermore, ethnic groups tend to promote marriage within the group, which creates an expectation of biological cohesion regardless of whether that cohesion existed in the past. Claims have been made for the late Eastern Han period (100 to 200 AD) the Three Kingdoms period (220 to 280 AD) the Six Dynasties period (220 to 589 AD) and the Tang Dynasty (618 to 906 AD). Ethnic groups can share a belief in a common ancestral origin (Cornell and Hartmann 1998), which also can be a defining characteristic of a racial group. This in turn has led to confusion about when the first Chinese porcelain was made. Finally, despite attempts to distinguish "ethnicity" from "race," the two terms often are used interchangeably (Oppenheimer 2001). In the context of Chinese ceramics the term porcelain lacks a universally accepted definition. 2003). In 1743, during the reign of the Qianlong emperor, Tang Ying, the imperial supervisor at Jingdezhen produced a memoir entitled "Twenty illustrations of the manufacture of porcelain." Unfortunately, the original illustrations have been lost but the text of the memoir may be found here, together with photographs replacing the missing illustrations and an additional commentary. A researcher, clinician, or government official might assign an ethnicity to an individual quite different from the one that person would acknowledge (Kressin et al. Père d'Entrecolles, explaining his motives for describing what he had seen at Jingdezhen, states that "Nothing but my curiosity could ever have prompted me to such researches, but it appears to me that a minute description of all that concerns this kind of work might, somehow, be useful in Europe" but in the event his first letter came too late to be of much help in the European search for the secret of making porcelain. Individuals might change ethnic groups over the course of their lives or identify with more than one group. He then goes on to describe the refining of China clay, kaolin or Gaoling, the preparation of glazes, the stages of forming porcelain wares, glazing and firing. Ethnic groups may come into existence and then dissipate as a result of broad historical or social trends. In his first letter, dated 1712, d'Entrecolles describes the way in which China stone was crushed, refined and formed into little white bricks known in Chinese as petuntse or baidunzi. 2001). Two letters written by Père Francois Xavier d'Entrecolles, a Jesuit missionary (and industrial spy) who lived and worked in Jingdezhen described in detail the methods and materials used in the manufacture of porcelain wares in the later years of the reign of the Kangxi emperor; an important period in the history of Chinese ceramics. Also, ethnicity, like race, is a malleable concept that can change dramatically in different times or circumstances (Waters 1990; Smelser et al. Detailed descriptions of the manufacture of porcelain at Jingdezhen during the Qing dynasty exist, including, from the European perspective, the letters of Père d'Entrecolles and from the Chinese perspective, a memoir written by Tang Ying. Combining these groups into a single category may serve useful bureaucratic or political ends but does not necessarily result in a better understanding of these groups. In the year 1004, under the Song emperor Jingde, the newly re-named city of Jingdezhen was established as a centre for the production of imperial porcelain. In the United States, the ethnic group "Hispanic or Latino" contains such subgroups as Cuban Americans, Mexican Americans, Puerto Ricans, and recent immigrants from Central America (Hayes-Bautista and Chapa 1987). The early wares were low-fired but by the time of the Southern and Northern Dynasties (420 to 589) locally available raw materials were being used to produce a form of porcelain. First, ascribing an ethnic identity to a group can imply a much greater degree of uniformity than is actually the case. The city of Jingdezhen has been an important centre for the production of ceramics in southern China since at least the early Han Dynasty. However, as a way of understanding human groups, ethnicity also suffers from several shortcomings. Chinese enamelled wares are also produced in this way, but the enamels are added after the first, high-temperature, firing and the pieces are sent for a second firing in a smaller, lower-temperature kiln. It may encompass language, diet, religion, dress, customs, kinship systems, or historical or territorial identity (Cornell and Hartmann 1998). In the high temperature of the kiln the body and the glaze are fused together to become one unit. Ethnicity typically emphasizes the cultural, socioeconomic, religious, and political qualities of human groups rather than their genetic ancestry. After the body of a piece is formed and finished it is air-dried, coated with a glaze, dried again and fired. As the problems surrounding the word "race" became increasingly apparent during the 20th century, the word "ethnicity" was promoted as a way of characterizing the differences between groups (Huxley and Haddon 1936; Hutchinson and Smith 1996). An unusual characteristic of Chinese porcelain is that in the main it is green-fired or once-fired, which is to say that the body and the glaze are fired together. One result of this is that the property of resonance carries greater weight than that of translucence in the Chinese classification of high-fired ceramic wares. If "races" is too freighted a term for these basic divisions of humanity then, according to these authorities, new, convenient, non-academic terminology free of spurious valuations of superiority and inferiority should be developed and deployed whether social sensitivities are ruffled or not. This can lead to confusion because, for example, in China no distinction is drawn between high-fired stonewares and porcelain. Recognition of these groups, and simple ways to refer to them, is especially important in fields like medical research and diagnosis because a rapidly growing list of genetic disorders and predispositions are strongly linked to race and ethnicity (not to geographical "populations"). The Chinese tradition recognises only two primary categories of ceramic, high-fired (ci) and low-fired (tao). The basal groups outside the clinal zones on these maps are summarized quite well by longstanding racial and ethnic appellations. In the Western tradition ceramics are primarily divided into the categories of earthenware, stoneware or porcelain, depending upon the composition of the body material and the temperature at which the ware matures into a stable crystaline matrix. This position recently received a boost from genetic studies at the molecular level which show characteristic allele signatures for the groups traditionally identified as the three major races (Africans, Asians and Europeans), resulting in maps that clearly delineate genetic clines (in which the clinal zones are a small part of the total). In turn, this led to the development of coal-fuelled kilns suitable for the high-temperature firing of clay-rich wares in the north and wood-fuelled kilns more suitable for the lower-temperature firing of the stone-rich southern wares. They are not convinced by the substitution of the term "population" for the term "race" because it leads to a potentially harmful imprecision in communication (for example, when one could simply say 'white' (or "Caucasian") one is instead compelled to say something like "an individual of the western Eurasian population", and when that individual doesn't happen to currently reside in western Eurasia one must say "an individual whose ancestors were of the western Eurasian population"). Geological differences between the northern and the southern land masses have influenced the nature of the ceramic wares made in the two areas and, for example, in the north ceramic wares tend to have bodies made using mainly China clay, in the south ceramic wares tend to have bodies made using mainly China stone. Other anthropologists and human geneticists argue that race is indeed a valid and valuable concept and that those holding the opposite view allow their social consciences (laudable per se) to confuse and delay accurate interpretations and applications of empirical data. The two land masses were brought together by the action of continental drift, forming a junction that lies very approximately along the line of the present-day Yangtze river. Bouchard, Jr., Professor of Psychology, University of Minnesota. Present day China comprises two separate, and from the geological point of view, distinctly different, land masses: the northern and the southern. Louis; and Thomas J. Chinese ceramic wares are often classified as being either northern or southern. Holloway, Professor of Anthropology, Columbia University; Arthur Jensen; Joseph Carroll, University of Missouri-St. In the case of throwing, compression is applied by the hand of the potter. A number of scientists have supported this currently controversial view, including Ralph L. This is of importance because most of the methods used for forming the body parts of ceramic pieces (throwing on a wheel, for example) depend upon the application of compression to align the platelets and increase the plasticity and workability of the clay mixture. Vincent Sarich and Frank Miele, in Race: The Reality of Human Differences, write that "racial differences in humans exceed the differences that separate subspecies or even species in such other primates as gorillas and chimpanzees" and that "race is a biologically real phenomenon with important consequences". China stone and China clay are both platy minerals, which is to say that they are composed to varying degrees of small platelets of high surface area (external and internal) and are capable of holding relatively large amounts of water. They claim that race researchers are often attacked as racists, even if they espouse liberal sociopolitical views and claim to be against racism. China stone also occurs kaolinised to a greater or lesser extent. Some researchers believe the view that races do not exist is influenced by racial politics and political correctness, not science. China clay largely comprises the clay mineral kaolinite (Gaoling) and China stone, petunse (baidunzi) is a micaceous rock of variable composition whose componants include quartz and sericite. This definition requires that a subspecies be genetically differentiated due to barriers to genetic exchange that have persisted for long periods of time; that is, the subspecies must have historical continuity in addition to current genetic differentiation" Templeton (1998). Both minerals derive from the weathering and decomposition of granitic rocks. In most contemporary research, races are defined as evolutionary linages: "a subspecies (race) is a distinct evolutionary lineage within a species. Chinese porcelain is made using China stone, China clay or a combination of the two materials. They point to the existence of groups determined on the basis of multi-locus genetic analysis as evidence that human population structure does exist and to some extent resembles conventional definitions of race. Firing. Firing is the operation of heating green (unfired) ceramic wares at high-temperatures in a kiln to make permanent their shapes. Some biologists believe that the view that races are a social construct or not biologically significant is incorrect. Wares glazed in this way are described as being green-fired or once-fired. 2003). In an alternative method of glazing particularly associated with Chinese and early European porcelains the glaze was applied to the unfired body and the two fired together in a single operation. Until the 2000 census, Latinos were required to identify with a single race despite the long history of mixing in Latin America; partly as a result of the confusion generated by the distinction, 42% of Latino respondents in the 2000 census ignored the specified racial categories and checked "some other race" (Mays et al. In common with many earlier wares, modern porcelain wares are often bisque-fired at around 1000 degrees Celsius, coated with glaze and then sent for a second glaze-firing at a temperature of about 1300 degrees Celsius, or greater. 2003). Decoration. Porcelain wares may be decorated under the glaze, using pigments that include cobalt and copper, or over the glaze using coloured enamels. A person's racial identity can change over time, and self-ascribed race can differ from assigned race (Kressin et al. Many types of glaze, such as the iron-containing glaze used on the celadon wares of Longquan, were designed specifically for their striking effects on porcelain. Efforts to track mixing between groups led to a proliferation of categories (such as mulatto and octoroon) and "blood quantum" distinctions that became increasingly untethered from self-reported ancestry. Unlike their lower-fired counterparts, porcelain wares do not need glazing to render them impermeable to liquids and for the most part are glazed for decorative purposes and to make them resistant to dirt and staining. By the standards used in past censuses, many millions of children born in the United States have belonged to a different race than have one of their biological parents. Glazing. It generally supposed that the first glazes to appear on ceramic wares resulted from the unavoidable presence in the kiln of lime-rich wood ash, which acted on the surface of the wares as a flux. Efforts to sort the increasingly mixed population of the United States into discrete categories generated many difficulties (Spickard 1992). However, the lesson should be well-learned; potters work within constraints set by the materials and methods that they use and these constraints cannot be overcome by the application of unfocused brute force. In other countries in the Americas where mixing among groups was more extensive, social categories have tended to be more numerous and fluid, with people moving into or out of categories on the basis of a combination of socioeconomic status, social class, ancestry, and appearance (Mörner 1967). The sight of a novice potter wrestling with an eccentric mass of rotating clay in an attempt to save both pot and face can produce mixed emotions in the minds of more experienced onlookers. The decennial censuses conducted since 1790 in the United States also created an incentive to establish racial categories and fit people into those categories (Nobles 2000). To the casual observer, throwing carried out by an expert potter appears to be a graceful and almost effortless activity, but this masks the fact that a rotating mass of clay possesses energy and momentum in an abundance that will, given the slightest mishandling, have a rapid and dramatic effect on the piece being thrown. An example is the "one-drop rule" implemented in some state laws that treated anyone with a single known African American ancestor as black (Davis 2001). However, the fast-wheel also brought with it significant problems and made new demands on the skills of the potter. In the United States, social and legal conventions developed over time that forced individuals of mixed ancestry into simplified racial categories (Gossett 1997). The introduction of the fast-wheel brought benefits in the form of speed and a job that might have taken hours, or even days, to complete was reduced to one that could be done in minutes. 2003). Unlike hand-building, in wheel-throwing the bulk of the energy used does not come directly from the hands of the potter. university, ∼30% were estimated to have <90% European ancestry (Shriver et al. The wheel was wound-up and charged with energy by pushing it round with a stick, an arrangement that permitted the energy stored in the wheel to be finely directed to where it was required, at the point where the hands of the potter come into contact with the clay. In a survey of college students who self-identified as white in a northeastern U.S. This changed with the introduction of the fast-wheel, early forms of which utilised energy stored in the rotating mass of the heavy stone wheel itself. Similarly, many people who identify as European American have some African or Native American ancestors, either through openly interracial marriages or through the gradual inclusion of people with mixed ancestry into the majority population. In the coiling method of construction, all of the energy required to form the body of a piece is supplied directly by the hands of the potter. 1998). The earliest ceramics were hand-built using a simple coiling technique in which clay was rolled into long threads that were then pinched and beaten together to form the body of a vessel. In the United States, for example, most people who self-identify as African American have some European ancestors—in one analysis of genetic markers that have differing frequencies between continents, European ancestry ranged from an estimated 7% for a sample of Jamaicans to ∼23% for a sample of African Americans from New Orleans (Parra et al. The process of throwing is in fact one of remarkable complexity. In the Americas, the immigrant populations began to mix among themselves and with the indigenous inhabitants of the continent. To the spectator, throwing is often seen as pulling clay upwards and outwards into a required shape and potters often speak of pulling when forming a piece on a wheel, but the term is misleading, clay in a plastic condition cannot be pulled without breaking. The immigrants to the New World came largely from widely separated regions of the Old World—western and northern Europe, western Africa, and, later, eastern Asia and southern and eastern Europe. The relatively low plasticity of the clays used for making porcelain can cause difficulties for the potter, particularly in the case of wheel-thrown wares. In parts of the Americas, the situation was somewhat different. Sometimes a combination of these methods is used and, for example, it would not be uncommon for a piece to have a thrown body, moulded handles and slip-cast decoration, the parts being luted together before firing (lute is a thick liquid mixture of clay and water used to join unfired parts together). 54). Forming. Porcelain wares are formed by hand-building, moulding, pressing, slip-casting or by throwing on a potter's wheel. In the Old World, the gradual transition in appearances from one group to adjacent groups emphasized that "one variety of mankind does so sensibly pass into the other, that you cannot mark out the limits between them," as Blumenbach observed in his writings on human variation (Marks 1995, p. The Wikipedia article on Pottery provides much useful background information on methods used for forming, decorating, finishing, glazing and firing ceramic wares. Even as the idea of "race" was becoming a powerful organizing principle in many societies, the shortcomings of the concept were apparent. The porcelain clay body, unfired or fired, is sometimes spoken of as the paste and porcelain clay is itself sometimes described as the body (for example, when buying materials a potter might order such an amount of porcelain body from a vendor). Moreover, they argue that biology will not explain why or how people use the idea of race: history and social relationships will. Reference should be made to the Wikipedia article on Pottery for an explanation of some of these terms, but it might be helpful to note that the material used to form the body of porcelain wares is often referred to as clay, even though clay minerals might account for only a small proportion of its whole. As such it cannot be a useful analytical concept; rather, the use of the term "race" itself must be analyzed. When referring to the materials that they use, potters often employ words and names in a way that can be confusing for the layman. Since the 1960s, some anthropologists and teachers of anthropology have re-conceived "race" as a cultural category or social construct, in other words, as a particular way that some people have of talking about themselves and others. Some clays used for making ceramic wares are too cohesive to be thrown on the wheel, including for example, the brown clays used to form the bodies of the red stonewares of Yixing in the Chinese province of Jiangsu and as a result of this Yixing-wares are almost always hand-built. In particular, populationists claim that:. Thus, the range of water contents within which porcelain clays can be worked is very narrow and the loss or gain of water during storage and throwing or forming must be carefully controlled to keep the clay from becoming too wet or too dry to manipulate. The "populationist" view does not deny that there are physical differences among peoples; it simply claims that the historical conceptions of "race" are not particularly useful in accounting for these differences scientifically. Porcelain clays are of lower plasticity (shorter) than many other clays used for making pottery and wet very quickly, which is to say that small changes in the content of water can produce large changes in workability. Populations are, in a sense, simply statistical clusters that emerge from the choice of variables of interest; there is no preferred set of variables. In soil mechanics plasticity is determined by measuring the increase in content of water required to change a clay from a solid state bordering on the plastic, to a plastic state bordering on the liquid, though the term is also used less formally to describe the facility with which a clay may be worked. This substitution is not simply a matter of exchanging one word for another. Long clays are cohesive (sticky) and of high plasticity and short clays are less cohesive and are of lower plasticity. For example, some scientists developed the notion of "population" to take the place of race. The clays used by potters are often described as being long or short according to plasticity. These developments had important consequences. Other materials mixed with China clay to make porcelain clay have included ball-clay, glass, bone ash, steatite, quartz, petuntse and alabaster. There can be as much difference between two ethnicities grouped into a single "race" as there can be between ethnicities grouped (often arbitrarily) into an another "race". The composition of porcelain is highly variable, but China clay, comprising mainly or in part the platey clay mineral kaolinite is often a significant component. Instead of classing people into one "group", say "Caucasians" or Europeans you have Britons, Frenchmen, Germans, Nords, western Slavs and Celts rather than having a term implying a (possible) ancestory group in the Caucasus which is definitely too distant for any real consideration, and moreover reaching to groups including eastern Slavs, Roma, as well as Georgians, and others who differ notably, both in culture, and to a noteworthy extent in physical appearance, from the aforementioned ethnic groups. However, ceramics have an existance that is entirely independent of the words used to classify them and in this article the term porcelain is taken to encompass a broad range of high-fired ceramic wares, including some that might according to some systems of classification fall into the category of stoneware. Some argue it is preferable when considering biological relations to think in terms of populations, and when considering cultural relations to think in terms of ethnicity, rather than of race. Where this line is drawn depends upon how the terms porcelain and stoneware are defined and this puzzle has been and continues to be the subject of controversy. In much of Europe groups such as Roma and Turks are commonly defined as racially distinct from White Europeans, though these groups could be considered "Caucasian" by old physical anthropological methods which employed finite nose measurements as the standard form of racial classifaction. Another difficult line to draw is that which divides high-fired stonewares from porcelain. In the United States, in what is referred to as the one-drop rule, the term Black subsumes people with a broad range of ancestries under one label, even though many who are termed Black could be more accurately described as white through simple anthropologic or taxonomic method. Industrial and other uses are (or, it is hoped, will be) covered elsewhere in the encyclopedia. In Europe, such a distinction, suggesting that South Europeans are not European or white, would seem odd at least or possibly even insulting. This follows the Wikipedia policy of drawing a line between technology and the fine arts, though in the case of porcelain the line is a difficult one to draw. For instance in many parts of the United States, categories such as Hispanic or Latino are viewed to constitute a race, though others see Hispanic as a linguistic and cultural grouping coming from a variety of backgrounds. Porcelain has many uses, but this article is concerned mainly with its employment as a material used to make objects of craft and fine art, including decorative and utilitarian household wares. In everyday speech, race often describes populations better defined as ethnic groups, often leading to discrepancies between scientific views on race and popular usage of the term. . For example, most babies born with Tay-Sachs in North America at present are not from Jewish families, despite stereotypes to contrary. Porcelain is used to make wares for the table and kitchen, sanitary wares, decorative wares and objects of fine art. Regardless of the name, a working concept of sub-species grouping can be useful, because in the absence of cheap and widespread genetic tests, various race-linked gene mutations (see Cystic fibrosis, Lactose intolerance, Tay-Sachs Disease and Sickle cell anemia) are difficult to address without recourse to a category between "individual" and "species". Physical properties associated with porcelain include those of low permeability, high strength, hardness, glassiness, durability, whiteness, translucence, resonance, brittleness, high resistance to the passage of electricity, high resistance to thermal shock and high elasticity. This may either be a matter of semantics, or an effect of an underlying cultural significance of race in racist societies. The curved shape of the upper surface of the Venus-shell resembles the curve of a pig's back (Latin porcella, a little pig, a pig). Even those who reject the formal concept of race, however, still use the word race in day-to-day speech. Porcelain was so-named after its resemblance to the white, shiny Venus-shell, called in old Italian porcella. Historians, anthropologists and social scientists often describe human races as a social construct, preferring instead the term population, which can be given a clear operational definition. The toughness, strength and translucence of porcelain arises mainly from the formation at high temperatures within the clay body of the mineral mullite and glass. However, any given physical characteristic generally is found in multiple groups (Lahr 1996), and demonstrating that environmental selective pressures shaped specific physical features will be difficult, since such features may have resulted from sexual selection for individuals with certain appearances or from genetic drift (Roseman 2004). Porcelain clay when mixed with water forms a plastic paste which can be worked to a required shape or form that is hardened and made permanent by firing in a kiln at temperatures of between about 1200 degrees Celsius and about 1400 degrees Celsius. Considerable speculation has surrounded the possible adaptive value of other physical features characteristic of groups, such as the constellation of facial features observed in many eastern and northeastern Asians (Guthrie 1996). Porcelain is a hard ceramic substance made by heating at high temperature selected and refined materials often including clay in the form of kaolinite. 2003). ISBN: 087701 612 7. In Brazil, for example, skin color is not closely associated with the percentage of recent African ancestors a person has, as estimated from an analysis of genetic variants differing in frequency among continent groups (Parra et al. Chinese Ceramics from the Percival David Foundation. Chronicle Books, San Francisco, n.d. 2004). Rosemary Scott and others, Imperial Taste. Furthermore, in some parts of the world in which people from different regions have mixed extensively, the connection between skin color and ancestry has been substantially weakened (Parra et al. ISBN: 07286 0265 2. Sub-Saharan Africans, tribal populations from southern India, and Indigenous Australians have similar skin pigmentation, but genetically they are no more similar than are other widely separated groups. Stacey Pierson, Earth, Fire and Water: Chinese Ceramic Technology. Percival David Foundation of Chinese Art, University of London, 1996. Because skin color has been under strong selective pressure, similar skin colors can result from convergent adaptation rather than from genetic relatedness. ISBN: 0 521 83833 9. Melanin which serves as the pigment, is located in the epidermis of the skin, and is based on hereditary gene expression. Cambridge University Press, 2004. 2000). Rose Kerr and Nigel Wood, Science and Civilisation in China, Volume 5, Part XII: Ceramic Technology. However, the vitamin D hypothesis is not universally accepted (Aoki 2002), and lighter skin in high latitudes may correspond simply to an absence of selection for dark skin (Harding et al. ISBN: 0 500 23727 1. 2005). Thames and Hudson, London, 1996. Evidence for this includes the finding that a substantial portion of the differences of skin color between Europeans and Africans resides in a single gene, SLC24A5 the threonine-111 allele of which was found in 98.7 to 100% among several European samples, while the alanine-111 form was found in 93 to 100% of samples of Africans, East Asians and Indigenous Americans (Lamason et al. The New Standard Guide. A leading hypothesis for the selection of lighter skin in higher latitudes is that it enables the body to form greater amounts of vitamin D, which helps prevent rickets (Jablonski 2004). He Li, Chinese Ceramics. 2001; Rees 2003). Such blue and white wares were not fakes or, in the main, convincing reproductions, even though some pieces carried four-character Kangxi reign-marks that continue to cause confusion to this day. Darker skin appears to be strongly selected for in equatorial regions to prevent sunburn, skin cancer, the photolysis of folate, and damage to sweat glands (Sturm et al. A fashion for Kangxi period blue and white wares grew to large proportions in Europe during the later years of the nineteenth century and triggered the production at Jingdezhen of large quantities of porcelain wares that looked back to the ceramics of the earlier period. This distribution of skin color and its geographic patterning—with people whose ancestors lived predominantly near the equator having darker skin than those with ancestors who lived predominantly in higher latitudes—indicate that this attribute has been under strong selective pressure. A body of modern expert opinion holds that porcelain decorated with famille noire enamels was not made at all during the Kangxi period, though this view is disputed. Approximately 10% of the variance in skin color occurs within groups, and ~90% occurs between groups (Relethford 2002). Many such pieces may still be seen in museums today, as may pieces of genuine Kangxi porcelain decorated in the late nineteenth century with famille noire enamels. A prominent exception to the common distribution of physical characteristics within and among groups is skin color. In the late nineteenth century fakes of Kangxi period famille noire wares were made that were convincing enough to deceive the experts of the day. For example, ∼90% of the variation in human head shapes occurs within every human group, and ∼10% separates groups, with a greater variability of head shape among individuals with recent African ancestors (Relethford 2002). It is reported that some of these fakes show evidence of having had genuine Song dynasty iron-foot bases grafted onto newly made bodies. The distribution of many physical traits resembles the distribution of genetic variation within and between human populations (American Association of Physical Anthropologists 1996; Keita and Kittles 1997). In modern times the market for Song dynasty Jian tea-bowls has been severely depressed by the appearence in large numbers of modern fakes good enough to deceive even expert collectors. 2004). Before World War II, the English potter Bernard Leach found what he took to be genuine Song dynasty cizhou rice-bowls being sold very cheaply on the dock of a Chinese port and was surprised to learn that they were in fact freshly made. Even with large numbers of markers, information for estimating admixture proportions of individuals or groups is limited, and estimates typically will have wide CIs (Pfaff et al. At Jingdezhen the two remaining wood fired, egg-shaped kilns produce convincing reproductions of earlier wares and at Zhejiang province good reproductions of Song Longquan celedon wares continue to be made in large, side-stoked dragon kilns. 1994; Hoerder 2002). Père d'Entrecolles records that by this means the wares could be passed off as being hundreds of years old. 2004), these estimates may assume a false distinctiveness of the parental populations, since human groups have exchanged mates from local to continental scales throughout history (Cavalli-Sforza et al. Reproductions of Song dynasty Longquan celadon wares were made Jingdezhen in the early eighteenth century, but outright fakes were also made there, using special clay and artificially aged by boiling in meat broth, refiring and storage in sewers. 2003; Bamshad et al. Although genetic analyses of large numbers of loci can produce estimates of the percentage of a person's ancestors coming from various continental populations (Shriver et al. In many parts of the world, groups have mixed in such a way that many individuals have relatively recent ancestors from widely separated regions. 2004). Thus, the genetically based "biogeographical ancestry" assigned to any given person generally will be broadly distributed and will be accompanied by sizable uncertainties (Pfaff et al. Furthermore, because human genetic variation is clinal, many individuals affiliate with two or more continental groups. Thus, samples taken from India and Pakistan affiliate with Europeans or eastern Asians rather than separating into a distinct cluster. They point out, for example, that major populations considered races or subgroups within races do not necessarily form their own clusters. Other observers disagree, saying that the same data undercut traditional notions of racial groups (King and Motulsky 2002; Calafell 2003; Tishkoff and Kidd 2004). 2002). They argue that the continental clusterings correspond roughly with the division of human beings into sub-Saharan Africans; Europeans, western Asians, and northern Africans; eastern Asians; Polynesians and other inhabitants of Oceania; and Native Americans (Risch et al. Some commentators have argued that these patterns of variation provide a biological justification for the use of traditional racial categories. 2003). 2002; Bamshad et al. For example, computer analyses of hundreds of polymorphic loci sampled in globally distributed populations have revealed the existence of genetic clustering that roughly is associated with groups that historically have occupied large continental and subcontinental regions (Rosenberg et al. Although the genetic differences among human groups are relatively small, these differences in certain genes such as duffy, ABCC11, SLC24A5, called ancestry-informative markers (AIMs) nevertheless can be used to reliably situate many individuals within broad, geographically based groupings or self-identified race. These questions are particularly pressing for biomedicine, where self-described race is often used as an indicator of ancestry (see race in biomedicine below). However, other researchers still debate whether evolutionary lineages should rightly be called "races". A large majority of researchers endorse the view that continental groups do not constitute different subspecies. Most of the controversy surrounds the question of how to interpret these new data, and whether conclusions based on existing data are sound. New data on human genetic variation has reignited the debate surrounding race. In general, however, the recency of our common ancestry and continual gene flow among human groups have limited genetic differentiation in our species. 2000b; Bamshad and Wooding 2003). For example, population processes associated with colonization, periods of geographic isolation, socially reinforced endogamy, and natural selection all have affected allele frequencies in certain populations (Jorde et al. Many other geographic, climatic, and historical factors have contributed to the patterns of human genetic variation seen in the world today. Second, new polymorphisms that arose in one group were less likely to be transmitted to other groups as gene flow was restricted. First, smaller (founder) populations experience greater genetic drift because of increased fluctuations in neutral polymorphisms. The expansion of humans from Africa affected the distribution of genetic variation in two other ways. The effect of this assortative mating is to reduce gene flow between geographical groups, and to increase the genetic distance between groups. Second, as founders become more geographically separated, the probability that two individuals from different founder populations will mate becomes smaller. First, the so-called founder effect occurs when founder populations bring only a subset of the genetic variation from their ancestral population. The rapid expansion of a previously small population has two important effects on the distribution of genetic variation. 2,000 generations). 5,000 generations), followed by a European-Asian divergence about 40,000 years ago (ca. It is believed that humans passed through a population bottleneck before a rapid expansion coinciding with migrations out of Africa leading to an African-Eurasian divergence around 100,000 years ago (ca. In the field of population genetics, it is believed that the distribution of neutral polymorphisms among contemporary humans reflects human demographic history. In contrast, populations that have undergone dramatic size reductions or rapid expansions in the past and populations formed by the mixture of previously separate ancestral groups can have unusually high levels of linkage disequilibrium (Nordborg and Tavare 2002). 2002). For example, in addition to having higher levels of genetic diversity, populations in Africa tend to have lower amounts of linkage disequilibrium than do populations outside Africa, partly because of the larger size of human populations in Africa over the course of human history and partly because the number of modern humans who left Africa to colonize the rest of the world appears to have been relatively low (Gabriel et al. Our history as a species also has left genetic signals in regional populations. In the field of population genetics, it is believed that the distribution of neutral polymorphisms among contemporary humans reflects human demographic history. This distribution of genetic variation differs from the pattern seen in many other mammalian species, for which existing data suggest greater differentiation between groups (Templeton 1998; Kittles and Weiss 2003). 2005). 2000a; Hinds et al. In general, however, 5%–15% of genetic variation occurs between large groups living on different continents, with the remaining majority of the variation occurring within such groups (Lewontin 1972; Jorde et al. The details of this distribution are impossible to describe succinctly because of the difficulty of defining a "population," the clinal nature of variation, and heterogeneity across the genome (Long and Kittles 2003). The distribution of variants within and among human populations also differs from that of many other species. It is estimated that about 10 million SNPs exist in human populations, where the rarer SNP allele has a frequency of at least 1% (see International HapMap Project). Most of these single nucleotide polymorphisms (SNPs) are neutral, but some are functional and influence the phenotypic differences between humans. However, with a genome of approximate 3 billion nucleotides, on average two humans differ at approximately 3 million nucleotides. Two random humans are expected to differ at approximately 1 in 1000 nucleotides, whereas two random chimpanzees differ at 1 in 500 nucleotide pairs. 2004). 2003; Fischer et al. 2002; Yu et al. For example, the chimpanzee subspecies living just in central and western Africa have higher levels of diversity than do humans (Ebersberger et al. 2001). First, compared with many other mammalian species, humans are genetically less diverse—a counterintuitive finding, given our large population and worldwide distribution (Li and Sadler 1991; Kaessmann et al. But the data gathered to date suggest that human variation exhibits several distinctive characteristics. A thorough description of the differences in patterns of genetic variation between humans and other species awaits additional genetic studies of human populations and nonhuman species. Note that vertical distances are not meaningful in this representation. Formation of species and subspecies is also indicated, and the formation of "races" is indicated in the green rectangle to the right (note that only a very rough representation of human phylogeny is given). Chimpanzees and humans belong to different genera, indicated in red. Horizontal distance corresponds to two things:. The tree is rooted in the common ancestor of chimpanzees and humans, which is believed to have originated in Africa. Individuals from the various continental groups tend to be more similar to one another than to people from other continents. These single-locus sources of DNA do not recombine and are almost always inherited from a single parent, with only one known exception in mtDNA (Schwartz and Vissing 2002). Often mitochondrial DNA or Y chromosome sequences are used to study ancient human demographics. A phylogenetic tree like the one shown above is usually derived from DNA or protein sequences from populations. Sequence data for hundreds of loci from widely distributed worldwide populations eventually may clarify the population processes associated with the appearance of anatomically modern humans (Wall 2000), as well as the amount of gene flow among modern humans since then. The observation that most genes studied to date coalesce in African populations points toward the importance of Africa as the source of most modern genetic variation, perhaps with some subdivision in the ancestral African population (Satta and Takahata 2002). 2004). 2001; Serre et al. 1997; Nordborg 1998; Takahata et al. In addition, studies of mtDNA from archaic and modern humans and extant Y chromosomes suggest that any surviving genetic contributions of archaic humans outside Africa must be small, if they exist at all (Krings et al. However, distinguishing possible contributions to the gene pool of modern humans from archaic humans outside Africa is difficult, especially since many autosomal loci coalesce at times preceding the separation of archaic human populations (Pääbo 2003). 2001). As a result, they say, autosomal DNA from archaic human populations living outside Africa persists in modern populations, and modern populations in various parts of the world still bear some physical resemblance to the archaic populations that inhabited those regions (Wolpoff et al. 2003). 2000; Eswaran 2002; Templeton 2002; Ziętkiewicz et al. They contend that humans bearing modern traits emerged several times from Africa, over an extended period, and mixed with archaic humans in various parts of the world (Hawks et al. However, several groups of researchers cite fossil and genetic evidence to argue for a more complex account. 2000; Stringer 2002). 1999), and many (though not all) autosomal regions (Harpending and Rogers 2000) support the "Out of Africa" account of human history, in which anatomically modern humans appeared first in eastern Africa and then migrated throughout Africa and into the rest of the world, with little or no interbreeding between modern humans and the archaic populations they gradually replaced (Tishkoff et al. 2000), portions of the X chromosome (Kaessmann et al. 2000), the Y chromosome (Underhill et al. Studies of mtDNA (Ingman et al. Aspects of the relationship between anatomically modern and archaic humans remain contentious. 1998). Patterns of genetic variation suggest an earlier population expansion in Africa followed by a subsequent expansion in non-African populations, and the dates calculated for the expansions generally coincide with the archaeological record (Jorde et al. The genetic variation seen outside Africa is generally a subset of the variation within Africa, a pattern that would be produced if the migrants from Africa were limited in number and carried just part of African genetic variability with them (Cavalli-Sforza and Feldman 2003). 2002; Tishkoff and Verrelli 2003). African populations exhibit greater genetic diversity than do populations in the rest of the world, implying that humans appeared first in Africa and later colonized Eurasia and the Americas (Tishkoff and Williams 2002; Yu et al. Existing data on human genetic variation support and extend conclusions based on the fossil evidence. 2003). To date, the earliest anatomically modern skeleton discovered from Europe comes from the Carpathian Mountains of Romania and is dated to 34,000–36,000 years ago (Trinkaus et al. 1999). 2003), although studies of environmental changes in Australia argue for the presence of modern humans in Australia >55,000 years ago (Miller et al. One of the earliest modern skeletons found outside Africa is Mungo Man, from Australia, and has been dated to ∼42,000 years ago (Bowler et al. Groups of anatomically modern humans appear to have moved outside Africa permanently sometime >60,000 years ago. Fossils of the earliest anatomically modern humans found outside Africa are from two sites in the Middle East and date to a period of relative global warmth, ∼100,000 years ago, though this region was reinhabited by Neandertals in later millennia as the climate in the northern hemisphere again cooled (Lahr and Foley 1998). 1994). Much larger populations of archaic humans lived elsewhere in the Old World, including the Neandertals in Europe and an earlier species of humans, Homo erectus, in Asia (Swisher et al. 1998). At that time, the population of anatomically modern humans appears to have been small and localized (Harpending et al. 2005). 2003; McDougall et al. Early fossils with these characteristics have been found in eastern Africa and have been dated to ∼160,000–200,000 years ago (White et al. 2002), the generally agreed-upon physical characteristics of anatomical modernity include a high rounded skull, facial retraction, and a light and gracile, as opposed to heavy and robust, skeleton (Lahr 1996). Although it is not easy to define "anatomically modern" in a way that encompasses all living humans and excludes all archaic humans (Lieberman et al. The existing fossil evidence suggests that anatomically modern humans evolved in Africa, within the last ∼200,000 years, from a pre-existing population of humans (Klein 1999). Most other groups, including Europeans, Asians, and Native Americans, were found to be a single related (monophyletic) group resulting from a later out-migration from Africa, which could reasonably be divided into West and East Eurasian groups. Indigenous Australians are believed to be an early out-group that remained isolated. 1987). Studies of human genetic variation imply that Africa was the ancestral source of all modern humans, and that Homo sapiens migrated out of Africa and displaced Homo erectus between 140,000 and 290,000 years ago (Cann et al. Thus, the concept of "race" afforded by these techniques is synonymous with ancestry, broadly understood. The technique of multilocus genotyping has been used to determine patterns of human demographic history. These data have led to an examination of the biological validity of races as evolutionary lineages and the description of races in cladistic terms. 2004). Since the 1990s, it has become common to use multilocus genotypes to distinguish different human groups and to allocate individuals to groups (Bamshad et al. Although both sources of information are fragmentary, they have been converging in recent years on the same general story. Information about the history of our species comes from two main sources: the paleoanthropological record and historical inferences based on current genetic differences observed in humans. Regional variations in these features can thus be taken as evidence for long term differences among genus Homo individuals that prefigure different races among present-day Homo sapiens individuals. Leiberman and Jackson (1995), however, have noted that this model depends on several findings relevant to race: (1) that marked morphological contrasts exist between individuals found at the center and at the perimeter of Middle Pleistocene range of the genus Homo; (2) that many features can be shown to emerge at the edge of that range before they develop at the center; and (3) that these features exhibit great tenacity through time. The most important element of this model for theories of race is that it allows a million years for the evolution of Homo sapiens around the world; this is more than enough time for the evolution of different races. They further argue that this model is consistent with clinal patterns (Wolpoff 1993). They argue that very strong genetic similarities among all humans do not prove recent common ancestry, but rather reflect the interconnectedness of human populations around the world, resulting in relatively constant gene flow (Thorne and Wolpoff 1992). 1993), the multiregional continuity evolution model, cite as evidence anatomical continuity in the fossil record in South Central Europe (Smith 1982), East Asia and Australia (Wolpoff 1993) (anatomical affinity is taken to suggest genetic affinity). Advocates of the first scenario (see Frayer et al. Each model suggests different possible scenarios for the evolution of distinct races. The debate hinges on whether Homo erectus evolved into Homo sapiens more or less simultaneously in Africa, Europe, and Asia, or whether Homo sapiens evolved only in Africa, and eventually supplanted Homo erectus in Europe and Asia. About a million years ago Homo erectus migrated out of Africa and into Europe and Asia. There has been considerable debate among anthropologists as to the origins of Homo sapiens. Modern research in molecular biology, however, has provided evolutionary scientists with a whole new kind of data, which adds considerably to the knowledge of our past. Their models seldom provided a firm basis for drawing inferences about the origin of races. For much of the 20th century, however, anthropologists relied on an incomplete fossil record for reconstructing human evolution. Any biological model for race must account for the development of racial differences during human evolution. On the other hand, the EEOC explicitly defines Hispanics as a separate and distinct "race."1. Census. 2000 census was based solely on self-identification, did not pre-suppose disjointedness, and did not include a category "Hispanic," which is considered an ethnicity, rather than a race, by the U.S. Racial classification in the U.S. Census)). The United States government has provided definitions regarding race (see for example Race (U.S. See also the American Anthropological Association's Statement on Race [2]. Moreover, they understood these shared beliefs to mean that religion, nationality, and race itself are social constructs and have no objective basis in the supernatural or natural realm (Gordon 1964). In the face of this rejection of race by evolutionary scientists, many social scientists have replaced the word race with the word "ethnicity" to refer to self-identifying groups based on beliefs in shared religion, nationality, or race. The concepts of population and cline are not, however, mutually exclusive and both are used by many evolutionary scientists. Other evolutionary scientists have abandoned the concept of race in favor of cline (meaning, how the frequency of a trait changes along a geographic gradient). In the face of these issues, some evolutionary scientists have simply abandoned the concept of race in favor of "population." What distinguishes population from previous groupings of humans by race is that it refers to a breeding population (essential to genetic calculations) and not to a biological taxon. This questioning gained momentum in the 1960s during the American Civil Rights Movement and the emergence of numerous anti-colonial movements worldwide. Alongside empirical and conceptual problems with "race" following the Second World War, evolutionary and social scientists were acutely aware of how beliefs about race had been used to justify discrimination, apartheid, slavery, and genocide. Lieberman and Jackson (1994) have pointed out that "the weakness of this statement is that if one gene can distinguish races then the number of races is as numerous as the number of human couples reproducing." Moreover, anthropologist Stephen Molnar has suggested that the discordance of clines inevitably results in a multiplication of races that renders the concept itself useless (Molnar 1992). Mid-century, anthropologist William Boyd defined race as:. These empirical challenges to the concept of race forced evolutionary sciences to reconsider their definition of race. Meanwhile, neo-Marxists such as David Harvey (1982, 1984, 1992) believe that race is a social construct that in reality does not exist, used instead to extenuate class differences. However, because of technical limitations of FST, many geneticists now believe that low FST values do not invalidate the suggestion that there might be different human races (Edwards, 2003). Some researchers report the variation between racial groups (measured by Sewall Wright's population structure statistic FST) accounts for as little as 5% of human genetic variation2. This view is described by its opponents as Lewontin's Fallacy. Finally, geneticist Richard Lewontin, observing that 85 percent of human variation occurs within populations, and not between populations, argued that neither "race" nor "subspecies" was an appropriate or useful way to describe populations (Lewontin 1973). As anthropologists Leonard Lieberman and Fatimah Linda Jackson observe, "Discordant patterns of heterogeneity falsify any description of a population as if it were genotypically or even phenotypically homogeneous" (Lieverman and Jackson 1995). In 1964, biologists Paul Ehrlich and Holm pointed out cases where two or more clines are distributed discordantly—for example, melanin is distributed in a decreasing pattern from the equator north and south; frequencies for the haplotype for beta-S hemoglobin, on the other hand, radiate out of specific geographical points in Africa (Ehrlich and Holm 1964). Thus, anthropologist Frank Livingstone's conclusion that, since clines cross racial boundaries, "there are no races, only clines" (Livingstone 1962: 279). This point called attention to a problem common to phenotypic-based descriptions of races (for example, those based on hair texture and skin color): they ignore a host of other similarities and difference (for example, blood type) that do not correlate highly with the markers for race. Loring Brace's observation that such variations, insofar as they are affected by natural selection, migration, or genetic drift, are distributed along geographic gradations called "clines" (Brace 1964). One of the crucial innovations in reconceptualizing genotypic and phenotypic variation was anthropologist C. Claude Lévi-Strauss's Race and History (UNESCO, 1952) enforced this cultural relativist thesis, by the famous metaphor of cultures as trains crossing each other in different directions, thus each one seeing the others as immobile while they themselves are progressing. Brown then challenged the concept from the perspective of general systematics, and further rejected the claim that "races" were equivalent to "subspecies" (Wilson and Brown 1953). Wilson and W. Zoologists Edward O. The first to challenge the concept of race on empirical grounds were anthropologists Franz Boas, who demonstrated phenotypic plasticity due to environmental factors (Boas 1912) and [1], and Ashley Montagu (1941, 1942), who relied on evidence from genetics. in the human species.". The concept of 'race' has no validity . Race simply cannot be tested or proven scientifically," and that, "It is clear that human populations are not unambiguous, clearly demarcated, biologically distinct groups. The American Anthropological Association, drawing on biological research, states that "The concept of race is a social and cultural construction. The validity of human races is a subject of much debate. Those who came to reject the validity of the concept, race, did so for four reasons: empirical, definitional, the availability of alternative concepts, and ethical (Lieberman and Byrne 1993). Then, the rise of population genetics led some mainstream evolutionary scientists in anthropology and biology to question the very validity of race as scientific concept describing an objectively real phenomenon. At the beginning of the 20th century, anthropologists questioned, and subsequently abandoned, the claim that biologically distinct races are isomorphic with distinct linguistic, cultural, and social groups. Although this attempt at conceptual precision gained currency with many biologists, especially zoologists, evolutionary scientists have criticized it on a number of fronts. Groups incapable of producing fertile offspring with each other are universally considered distinct species, and not merely different "races" of the same species. Although different species can sometimes interbreed to a limited extent, the converse is not true. This classification reflects separate groups that are clearly distinct from one another and do not generally interbreed (although there may be a relatively narrow hybridization zone), but which would interbreed freely if given the chance to do so. A polytypic species has two or more races (or, in current parlance, two or more sub-types). Monotypic species can occur in several ways:. A monotypic species has no races, or rather one race comprising the whole species. For these biologists, a race is a recognizable group forming all or part of a species. With the advent of the modern synthesis in the early 20th century, biologists developed a new, more rigorous model of race as subspecies. Campaigns of oppression and genocide often used supposed racial differences to motivate inhuman acts against others (Horowitz 2001). In many parts of the world, the idea of race became a way of rigidly dividing groups by use of culture as well as physical appearances (Hannaford 1996). The eugenics movement of the late 19th and early 20th centuries, inspired by Arthur Gobineau's An Essay on the Inequality of the Human Races (1853-1855), Vacher de Lapouge's "anthroposociology" and Herder's theories, asserted as self-evident the biological inferiority of particular groups (Kevles 1985). Their understanding of race was usually both essentialist (defining something by a list of characteristics) and taxonomic (hierarchical). Some groups might be the result of mixture between formerly distinct populations, but careful study can distinguish the ancestral races that had combined to produce admixed groups. According to this ideology, races are primordial, natural, enduring, and distinct. From the 17th through the 19th centuries, the merging of folk beliefs about group differences with scientific explanations of those differences produced what one scholar has called an "ideology of race" (Smedley 1999). Initially, scholars focused on cataloging and describing "The Natural Varieties of Mankind," as Johann Friedrich Blumenbach entitled his 1775 text (which established the five major divisions of humans still reflected in some racial classifications). In the 18th century, the differences between human groups became a focus of scientific investigation (Todorov 1993). The first post-Classical published classification of humans into distinct races seems to be François Bernier's Nouvelle division de la terre par les différents espèces ou races qui l'habitent ("New division of Earth by the different species or races which inhabit it"), published in 1684. The first scientific attempts to categorize race date from the 17th century, along with the development of European imperialism and colonization around the world. See From "racial theory" to "racism". Although similar ideas can be found in other cultures (Lewis 1990; Dikötter 1992), they appear not to have had as much influence on social structures as they did in Europe and the parts of the world colonized by Europeans. A set of "folk beliefs" took hold that linked inherited physical differences between groups to inherited intellectual, behavioral, and moral qualities (Banton 1977). Drawing on classical sources and on their own internal interactions—for example, the hostility between the English and Irish was a powerful influence on early thinking about the differences between people (Takaki 1993)—Europeans began to sort themselves and others into groups associated with physical appearance and with deeply ingrained behaviors and capacities. The rise of the African slave trade, which gradually displaced an earlier trade in slaves from throughout the world, created a further incentive to categorize human groups to justify the barbarous treatment of African slaves (Meltzer 1993). As Europeans encountered people from different parts of the world, they speculated about the physical, social, and cultural differences between human groups. The English word "race", along with many of the ideas now associated with the term, were products of the European era of exploration (Smedley 1999). Marxists also seized this historical and political discourse, transforming the essentialist biological notion of "race" into the concept of "class struggle.". At the end of the 19th century, the notion of "race" was, according to Foucault, incorporated by racists biologists and eugenicists, who gave it the modern sense of "biological race", which was then be integrated to "state racism". In France, Boulainvilliers, Nicolas Fréret, and then Sieyès, Augustin Thierry and Cournot reappropriated this discourse. In England, it was used by Edward Coke and John Lilburne against the monarchy. According to him, these debates initated a form of "popular history" based on ethnic identity, as opposed to the classical juridical and philosophical discourse of sovereignty. In Society Must be Defended (1978-79), Michel Foucault traced the "historical and political discourse" of "race struggle" to the 1688 "Glorious Revolution" in England and Louis XIV's reign in France, during which conflicing political values were ascribed to ancestral ethnicites (Saxon, Norman, Frankish etc). The ultimate origin of the word is unknown; suggestions include Arabic ra'is meaning "head", but also "beginning" or "origin". continued use of "the human race"). The modern meaning, "one of the major divisions of mankind", dates to the late 18th century, but it never became exclusive (cf. The meaning "tribe" or "nation" emerged in the 17th century. Meanings of the term in the 16th century included "wines with a characteristic flavour", "people with common occupation", and "generation". It wasn't until the 16th century that the word race entered the English language, from the French race - "race, breed, lineage" (which in turn was probably a loan from Italian razza). Furthermore, after the discovery of the New World, Bartolomé de Las Casas opposed the conquistadores theories, upheld by Sepúlveda, on the pretended Amerindians's absence of souls. At the end of the Reconquista, the Spanish Inquisition persecuted Jews and Muslims, theorizing a limpieza de sangre ("Cleanliness of blood") doctrine. Medieval models of race mixed Classical ideas with the notion that humanity as a whole was descended from Shem, Ham and Japheth, the three sons of Noah, producing distinct Semitic (Asian), Hamitic (African), and Japhetic (European) peoples. But in many ancient civilizations, individuals with widely varying physical appearances could become full members of a society by growing up within that society or by adopting the society's cultural norms (Snowden 1983; Lewis 1990). Some Roman writers adhered to an environmental determinism in which climate could affect the appearance and character of groups (Isaac 2004). Such categories often also included fantastical human-like beings that were supposed to exist in far-away lands. Ancient Greek and Roman authors also attempted to explain and categorize visible biological differences between peoples known to them. Classical civilizations from Rome to China tended to invest much more importance in family or tribal affiliations than in physical appearance (Dikötter 1992; Goldenberg 2003). However, such distinctions tended to merge differences defined by features such as skin color, with tribal and national identity. The division of humanity into distinct "races" can be traced as far back as the Ancient Egyptian sacred text the Book of Gates, which identifies four categories that are now conventionally labelled "Egyptians", "Asiatics", "Libyans", and "Nubians". But different societies have attributed markedly different meanings to these distinctions. Given our visual acuity and complex social relationships, humans presumably have always observed and speculated about the physical differences among individuals and groups. . Many scientists believe that when properly used, the division of humanity into races can be valid and useful. These scientists have made arguments that splitting humanity into separate races in this way is valid when races are understood as fuzzy sets, clusters, or extended families. Since the 1990s, data and models from genomics and cladistics, and the discovery of ancestry-informative markers have resulted in a revolution in our understanding of human evolution, which has led some to propose a new "lineage" definition of race. Other scientists, however, have argued that this position is motivated more by political than scientific reasons. They further maintain that race is best understood as a social construct. They argue that race definitions are imprecise, arbitrary, derived from custom, and that the races observed vary according to the culture examined. Many evolutionary and social scientists think common race definitions, or any race definitions pertaining to humans, lack taxonomic rigour and validity. Since the 1940s, evolutionary scientists have rejected the view of race according to which a number of finite lists of essential characteristics could be used to determine a like number of races. Legal definitions, common usage, and scientific meaning can all be confounded, and care must be taken to note the context in which it is used. Conceptions of race, as well as specific racial groupings, vary by culture and time and are often controversial due to their impact on social identity and identity politics. The most widely used human racial categories are based on visible traits (especially skin color and facial features), genes, and self-identification. The term race is commonly used to distinguish a population of humans from other populations, although the biological term race does not apply to the differences inside the race Homo sapiens sapiens. are the Japanese a distinct race, a mixture of races, or part of the East Asian race? and what about the Ainu?) but has also exposed disagreement about the criteria for making decisions— the selection of phenotypic traits seemed arbitrary. focusing on race has historically led not only to seemingly insoluble disputes about classification (e.g. Africa, or the people of northern India) who have phenotypes that do not neatly fit into the standard race categories. W. in general, the world-wide distribution of human phenotypes exhibits gradual trends of difference across geographic zones, not the categorical differences of race; in particular, there are many peoples (like the San of S. knowing a person's skin color, which is generally acknowledged to be one of the markers of race (or taken as a defining characteristic of race), does not allow good predictions of a person's blood type to be made. knowing someone's "race" does not provide comprehensive predictive information about biological characteristics, and only absoltuely predicts those traits that have been selected to define the racial categories, e.g. The mitochondrial most recent common ancestor of modern humans lived roughly 200,000 years ago, latest common ancestors of humans and chimps between four and seven million years ago. Rough estimates are given above the diagram, in millions of years. Temporal remoteness of the most recent common ancestor. Given below the diagram, the genetic difference between humans and chimps is roughly 2%, or 20 times larger than the variation among modern humans. Genetic distance. Populations that have a steady, substantial gene flow between them are likely to represent a monotypic species even when a fair degree of genetic variation is obvious. Such clinal variation always indicates substantial gene flow between the apparently separate groups that make up the population(s). The variation between individuals is noticeable and follows a pattern, but there are no clear dividing lines between separate groups: they fade imperceptibly into one another. The individuals vary considerably but the variation is essentially random and largely meaningless so far as genetic transmission of these variations is concerned (many plant species fit into this category, which is why horticulturists interested in preserving, say, a particular flower color avoid propagation from seed, and instead use vegetative methods like propagation from cuttings). All members of the species are very similar and cannot be sensibly divided into biologically significant subcategories. For example, using anthropometrics, invented by Francis Galton and Alphonse Bertillon, they measured the shapes and sizes of skulls and related the results to group differences in intelligence or other attributes (Lieberman 2001). But as the science of anthropology took shape in the 19th century, European and American scientists increasingly sought explanations for the behavioral and cultural differences they attributed to groups (Stanton 1960). Anthropology. Moreover, races were almost universally considered to reflect group differences in moral character and intelligence. Races were distinguished by skin color, facial type, cranial profile and size, texture and color of hair. These scientists made three claims about race: first, that races are objective, naturally occurring divisions of humanity; second, that there is a strong relationship between biological races and other human phenomena (such as forms of activity and interpersonal relations and culture, and by extension the relative material success of cultures); third, that race is therefore a valid scientific category that can be used to explain and predict individual and group behavior. Natural Scientists on race: In the 19th century a number of natural scientists wrote on race: Charles Darwin, Alfred Wallace, Francis Galton, Georges Cuvier, James Cowles Pritchard, Louis Agassiz, Charles Pickering, and Johann Friedrich Blumenbach. |